Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  And Belisarius said: “Although your promise gave us to understand that your words would be brief and temperate, yet your discourse has been both long and not far from fraudulent in its pretensions. For Theoderic was sent by the Emperor Zeno in order to make war on Odoacer, not in order to hold the dominion of Italy for himself. For why should the emperor have been concerned to exchange one tyrant for another? But he sent him in order that Italy might be free and obedient to the emperor. And though Theoderic disposed of the tyrant in a satisfactory manner, in everything else he shewed an extraordinary lack of proper feeling; for he never thought of restoring the land to its rightful owner. But I, for my part, think that he who robs another by violence and he who of his own will does not restore his neighbour’s goods are equal. Now, as for me, I shall never surrender the emperor’s country to any other. But if there is anything you wish to receive in place of it, I give you leave to speak.”

  And the barbarians said: “That everything which we have said is true no one of you can be unaware. But in order that we may not seem to be contentious, we give up to you Sicily, great as it is and of such wealth, seeing that without it you cannot possess Libya in security.”

  And Belisarius replied: “And we on our side permit the Goths to have the whole of Britain, which is much larger than Sicily and was subject to the Romans in early times. For it is only fair to make an equal return to those who first do a good deed or perform a kindness.”

  The barbarians: “Well, then, if we should make you a proposal concerning Campania also, or about Naples itself, will you listen to it?”

  Belisarius: “No, for we are not empowered to administer the emperor’s affairs in a way which is not in accord with his wish.”

  The barbarians: “Not even if we impose upon ourselves the payment of a fixed sum of money every year?”

  Belisarius: “No, indeed. For we are not empowered to do anything else than guard the land for its owner.”

  The barbarians: “Come now, we must send envoys to the emperor and make with him our treaty concerning the whole matter. And a definite time must also be appointed during which the armies will be bound to observe an armistice.”

  Belisarius: “Very well; let this be done. For never shall I stand in your way when you are making plans for peace.”

  After saying these things they each left the conference, and the envoys of the Goths withdrew to their own camp. And during the ensuing days they visited each other frequently and made the arrangements for the armistice, and they agreed that each side should put into the hands of the other some of its notable men as hostages to ensure the keeping of the armistice.

  Ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῇδε, ἐν τούτῳ ὅ τε τῶν Ἰσαύρων στόλος τῷ Ῥωμαίων λιμένι προσέσχε καὶ οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην ἐς Ὀστίαν ἦλθον, καὶ τῶν μὲν πολεμίων οὐδεὶς οὔτε καταίρουσιν οὔτε στρατοπεδευομένοις ἐμπόδιος σφίσιν ἐγένετο αὐτοῖς. [2] ὅπως δὲ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ διανυκτερεύειν οἷοί τε ὦσιν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς τῆς πρὸς τῶν ἐναντίων, οἵ τε Ἴσαυροι τάφρον βαθεῖαν ἄγχιστα τοῦ λιμένος ὀρύξαντες φυλακὰς ἐκ περιτροπῆς ἀεὶ ἐποιοῦντο καὶ οἱ ξὺν τῷ Ἰωάννῃ ταῖς ἁμάξαις φραξάμενοι τὸ στρατόπεδον ἡσυχίαν εἶχον. [3] ἐπειδή τε νὺξ ἐπεγένετο, Βελισάριος ἐς Ὀστίαν ξὺν ἱππεῦσιν ἑκατὸν ἦλθε καὶ τά τε ξυμπεπτωκότα ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ τά τε ξυγκείμενα σφίσι τε καὶ Γότθοις εἰπὼν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα παραθαρσύνας, τά τε φορτία πέμπειν ἐκέλευε καὶ ξὺν προθυμίᾳ ἐς Ῥώμην ἰέναι. ‘Ὅπως γάρ,’ ἔφη, ‘ἄνευ [4] κινδύνου ἡ ὁδὸς ἔσται ἐγὼ προνοήσω.’ αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν ὄρθρου βαθέος ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἀπήλαυνεν, Ἀντωνίνα δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ τῶν φορτίων τὴν παρακομιδὴν ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιεῖτο. [5] ἐδόκει δὲ χαλεπὸν καὶ δεινῶς ἄπορον τὸ πρᾶγμα εἶναι. οἵ τε γὰρ βόες οὐκέτι ἀντεῖχον, ἀλλ̓ ἡμιθνῆτες ἅπαντες ἔκειντο, ἦν δὲ οὐδὲ ἀκίνδυνον στενήν τινα ὁδὸν ξὺν ταῖς ἁμάξαις πορεύεσθαι, καὶ διὰ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὰς βάρεις ἀνέλκειν, καθάπερ τὸ παλαιὸν εἴθιστο, ἀδύνατα ἦν. [6] ἡ μὲν γὰρ ὁδὸς ἣ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ ἐστιν, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη, πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἐχομένη Ῥωμαίοις τηνικαῦτα ἀπόρευτος ἦν, ἡ δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ θάτερα, ὅσα γε παῤ ὄχθην, ἀστίβητος παντάπασι τυγχάνει οὖσα. [7] διὸ δὴ τοὺς λέμβους νηῶν τῶν μειζόνων ἀπολεξάμενοι, σανίσι τε αὐτοὺς ὑψηλαῖς κύκλῳ τειχίσαντες, ὅπως οἱ πλέοντες πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἥκιστα βάλλωνται, τοξότας τε καὶ ναύτας ἐσεβίβασαν κατὰ λόγον ἑκάστου. [8] τῶν τε φορτίων ἐν αὐτοῖς ὅσα φέρειν οἷοί τε ἦσαν ἐνθέμενοι, διὰ τοῦ Τιβέριδος ἐς Ῥώμην πνεῦμα τηρήσαντες σφίσιν ἐπίφορον ἐναυτίλλοντο, καὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ μέρος ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ ποταμοῦ παρεβεβοηθήκει. [9] ἐλείποντο δὲ τῶν Ἰσαύρων συχνοὺς τὰς ναῦς φυλάσσοντας. ἔνθα μὲν οὖν ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος ὁ ποταμὸς ᾔει, πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἔπλεον, ἀράμενοι τὰ τῶν λέμβων ἱστία: ᾗ δὲ ὁ ῥοῦς ἑλισσόμενος ὁδὸν πλαγίαν ἐφέρετο, ἐνταῦθα ἐπεὶ τὰ ἱστία τῷ πνεύματι οὐδαμῆ ἐνηργεῖτο, ἐρέσσοντές τε καὶ τὸν ῥοῦν βιαζόμενοι πόνον οἱ ναῦται οὐ μέτριον εἶχον. [10] οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἐν τοῖς στρατοπέδοις καθήμενοι ἐμπόδιοι γίνεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἥκιστα ἤθελον, ἢ κατωρρωδηκότες τὸν κίνδυνον, ἢ οὐκ ἄν ποτε ταύτῃ Ῥωμαίους ἐσκομίζεσθαί τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων οἰόμενοι, αἰτίᾳ τε οὐ λόγου ἀξίᾳ διακωλύειν τὴν τῆς ἐκεχειρίας ἐλπίδα, ἣν ὑποσχέσει Βελισάριος ἐκρατύνατο, ἀξύμφορον σφίσιν εἶναι ἡγούμενοι. [11] Γότθοι μέντοι ὅσοι ἐν Πόρτῳ ἦσαν, ἐν χρῷ ἀεὶ παραπλέοντας τοὺς πολεμίους θεώμενοι, οὐδαμῆ ἥπτοντο, ἀλλὰ τεθηπότες ἐκάθηντο τὴν αὐτῶν ἔννοιαν. [12] ἐπεὶ δὲ τρόπῳ τῷ αὐτῷ πολλάκις ἀναπλεύσαντες ἅπαντα κατ̓ ἐξουσίαν ἐσεκομίσαντο τὰ φορτία, οἱ μὲν ναῦται ξὺν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀνεχώρησαν κατὰ τάχος ῾ἤδη γὰρ καὶ τοῦ ἔτους ἀμφὶ τροπὰς χειμερινὰς ἦν̓, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν στράτευμα ἐς Ῥώμην ἐσῆλθε, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι Παῦλος ἐν Ὀστίᾳ ξὺν τῶν Ἰσαύρων τισὶν ἔμεινε. [13] Μετὰ δὲ ἀλλήλοις ἐπὶ τῇ ἐκεχειρίᾳ ὁμήρους ἔδοσαν, Ζήνωνα μὲν Ῥωμαῖοι, Γότθοι δὲ Οὐλίαν, οὐκ ἀφανῆ ἄνδρα, ἐφ̓ ᾧ δὴ ἐν τρισὶ μησὶ μηδεμιᾷ ἐς ἀλλήλου
ς ἐφόδῳ χρήσονται, ἕως οἱ πρέσβεις ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἐπανήκοντες γνώμην τὴν βασιλέως ἀγγείλωσιν. [14] ἢν δέ τινες καὶ ἀδικίας οἱ ἕτεροι ἐς τοὺς ἐναντίους ὑπάρξωσι, τοὺς πρέσβεις οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἀποδοθήσεσθαι ἐς τὸ σφῶν ἔθνος. [15] τῶν μὲν οὖν βαρβάρων οἱ πρέσβεις Ῥωμαίων παραπεμπόντων ἐς Βυζάντιον ᾔεσαν, Ἰλδίγερ δέ, ὁ τῆς Ἀντωνίνης γαμβρός, ξὺν ἱππεῦσιν οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἐκ Λιβύης ἐς Ῥώμην ἦλθε. [16] Γότθοι τε οἳ τὸ ἐν Πόρτῳ φρούριον εἶχον, ἐπιλελοιπότων σφᾶς τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐξέλιπόν τε αὐτὸ Οὐιττίγιδος γνώμῃ, καὶ ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον μετάπεμπτοι ἦλθον: Παῦλος δὲ αὐτὸ ξὺν τοῖς Ἰσαύροις ἐξ Ὀστίας καταλαβὼν ἔσχεν. [17] αἴτιοι δὲ μάλιστα τούτοις δὴ τοῖς βαρβάροις τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τῆς ἀπορίας ἐγένοντο θαλασσοκρατοῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι, καί τι αὐτοῖς ἐσκομίζεσθαι τῶν ἀναγκαίων οὐ ξυγχωροῦντες. [18] διὸ δὴ καὶ πόλιν ἐπιθαλασσίαν, λόγου πολλοῦ ἀξίαν, Κεντουκέλλας ὄνομα, τῶν ἐπιτηδείων σπανίζοντες, ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἐξέλιπον. [19] ἔστι δὲ ἡ πόλις μεγάλη καὶ πολυάνθρωπος, ἐς τὰ Ῥώμης πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἐν Τούσκοις κειμένη, σταδίοις αὐτῆς ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ διακοσίοις ἀπέχουσα. [20] καὶ αὐτὴν Ῥωμαῖοι καταλαβόντες ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπὶ μέγα δυνάμεως ἦλθον, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸ Ἀλβανῶν πόλισμα ἔσχον, Ῥώμης πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον κείμενον, ἀνακεχωρηκότων ἐνθένδε διὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον τηνικαῦτα τῶν πολεμίων, πανταχόθεν δὲ ἤδη κυκλωσάμενοι τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐν μέσῳ εἶχον. [21] διὸ δὴ Γότθοι διαλύειν τε τὰ ξυγκείμενα καί τι ἐς Ῥωμαίους κακουργεῖν ὤργων. πέμψαντες οὖν παρὰ Βελισάριον πρέσβεις ἠδικῆσθαι σφᾶς ἐν σπονδαῖς ἔφασαν: [22] Οὐιττίγιδος γὰρ Γότθους τοὺς ἐν Πόρτῳ μεταπεμψαμένου κατά τινα χρείαν Παῦλόν τε καὶ Ἰσαύρους τὸ ταύτῃ φρούριον λόγῳ οὐδενὶ καταλαβόντας ἔχειν. [23] ταὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο ἀμφί τε Ἀλβανῷ καὶ Κεντουκέλλαις δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ ᾐτιῶντο, ἠπείλουν τε, ἢν μὴ ταῦτα σφίσιν ἀποδιδῷ, οὐκ ἐπιτρέψειν. [24] Βελισάριος δὲ ξὺν γέλωτι αὐτοὺς ἀπεπέμψατο, παραπέτασμα μὲν εἶναι ταύτην δὴ τὴν αἰτίαν εἰπών, ἀγνοεῖν δὲ οὐδένα ὅτου δὴ ἕνεκα τὰ χωρία ταῦτα Γότθοι ἐκλίποιεν. [25] καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ὑποψίᾳ τινὶ ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐχρῶντο. Ἔπειτα δὲ Βελισάριος, ἐπεὶ Ῥώμην εἶδε στρατιωτῶν πλήθει ἀκμάζουσαν, ἄλλους τε ἱππέας ἐς χωρία Ῥώμης μακράν που ἄποθεν περιέπεμπε καὶ Βιταλιανοῦ τὸν ἀδελφιδοῦν Ἰωάννην ἐκέλευε ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἱππεῦσιν, ὀκτακοσίοις οὖσιν, ἀμφὶ πόλιν Ἄλβαν διαχειμάζειν, ἐν Πικηνοῖς κειμένην: [26] καί οἱ τῶν τε Βαλεριανῷ ἑπομένων τετρακοσίους ξυνέπεμψεν, ὧν Δαμιανὸς ὁ Βαλεριανοῦ ἀδελφιδοῦς ἦρχε, καὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ ὑπασπιστῶν ὀκτακοσίους ἄνδρας, διαφερόντως ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια. [27] οἷς δὴ δορυφόρους δύο, Σοῦνταν τε καὶ Ἄδηγιν, ἐπέστησε, καὶ αὐτοὺς μὲν Ἰωάννῃ ἕπεσθαι, ὅπη ἂν αὐτὸς ἐξηγοῖτο, ἐκέλευε: τῷ δὲ Ἰωάννῃ ἐπήγγελλε, τέως μὲν τὰ ξυγκείμενα σφίσι φυλάττοντας ὁρᾷ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἡσυχῆ μένειν: ὅταν δέ οἱ τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν αὐτοῖς λελύσθαι ξυμβαίη, ποιεῖν κατὰ τάδε: [28] παντὶ μὲν τῷ στρατῷ ἄφνω τε καὶ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς καταθεῖν τὴν Πικηνῶν χώραν, ἅπαντά τε ἑξῆς περιιόντα τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία καὶ αὐτοῖς πρὸ τῆς φήμης ἐπιδημοῦντα. [29] ταύτης γὰρ σχεδόν τι ἁπάσης τῆς χώρας ἄνδρας μὲν οὐδαμῆ ἀπολελεῖφθαι, πάντων ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ὡς φαίνεται στρατευσαμένων, παῖδας δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας τῶν πολεμίων καὶ χρήματα πανταχῆ εἶναι. [30] ἐξανδραποδίζειν οὖν καὶ ληΐζεσθαι τὰ ἐν ποσὶν ἅπαντα φυλασσόμενον μή ποτε Ῥωμαίων τινὶ τῶν ταύτῃ ᾠκημένων λυμήνηται. [31] ἢν δέ πη χωρίῳ ἐντύχῃ, ἄνδρας τε καὶ ὀχύρωμα, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἔχοντι, πάσῃ αὐτοῦ δυνάμει ἀποπειράσασθαι. [32] καὶ ἢν μὲν ἑλεῖν δύνηται, ἐς τὰ πρόσω ἰέναι, τοῦ πράγματος δέ οἱ, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ἀντιστατοῦντος, ἀπελαύνειν ὀπίσω, ἢ αὐτοῦ μένειν. [33] προϊόντι γάρ οἱ καὶ τοῦτο δὴ τὸ ὀχύρωμα κατὰ νώτου ἀπολιπόντι κίνδυνος πολὺς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἔσται, ἐπεὶ οὔποτ̓ ἀμύνειν σφίσιν εὐπετῶς ἕξουσιν, ἤν που ἐνοχλοῖντο πρὸς τῶν ἐναντίων. τὴν δὲ λείαν φυλάσσειν ἅπασαν, ὅπως ἂν αὐτὴν ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως ἡ στρατιὰ διανέμοιτο. [34] εἶτα ξὺν γέλωτι καὶ τοῦτο ἐπεῖπεν: ‘Οὐ γὰρ δίκαιον ὑφ̓ ἑτέρων μὲν τοὺς κηφῆνας πόνῳ μεγάλῳ ἀπόλλυσθαι, ἄλλους δὲ τοῦ μέλιτος οὐδεμιᾷ ταλαιπωρίᾳ ὀνίνασθαι.’ τοσαῦτα μὲν ἐπιστείλας Βελισάριος Ἰωάννην ξὺν τῷ στρατεύματι ἔπεμψεν. [35] Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ὅ τε Μεδιολάνων ἱερεὺς Δάτιος καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν ἄνδρες δόκιμοι ἐς Ῥώμην ἀφικόμενοι Βελισαρίου ἐδέοντο φρουροὺς ὀλίγους σφίσι ξυμπέμψαι. [36] αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἱκανοὶ ἰσχυρίζοντο εἶναι, οὐ Μεδιόλανον μόνην, ἀλλὰ καὶ Λιγουρίαν ὅλην πόνῳ οὐδενὶ Γότθων τε ἀποστῆσαι καὶ βασιλεῖ ἀνασώσασθαι. [37] αὕτη δὲ ἡ πόλις ᾤκισται μὲν ἐν Λιγούροις, μέση που μάλιστα Ῥαβέννης τε πόλεως καὶ Ἄλπεων τῶν ἐν Γάλλων ὁρίοις κειμένη: [38] ἑκατέρωθεν γὰρ ἐς αὐτὴν ὀκτὼ ἡμερῶν ὁδὸς ἀνδρὶ εὐζώνῳ ἐστί: πρώτη δὲ πόλεων τῶν ἑσπερίων μετά γε Ῥώμην μεγέθει τε καὶ πολυανθρωπίᾳ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ εὐδαιμονίᾳ ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα. καὶ αὐτοῖς Βελισάριος ὑποσχόμενος τὴν δέησιν ἐπιτελῆ ποιήσειν κατεῖχεν αὐτοῦ τὴν τοῦ χειμῶνος ὥραν.

  VII

  But whi
le these negotiations were in progress at Rome, meanwhile the fleet of the Isaurians put in at the harbour of the Romans and John with his men came to Ostia, and not one of the enemy hindered them either while bringing their ships to land or while making their camp. But in order that they might be able to pass the night safe from a sudden attack by the enemy, the Isaurians dug a deep trench close to the harbour and kept a constant guard by shifts of men, while John’s soldiers made a barricade of their waggons about the camp and remained quiet. And when night came on Belisarius went to Ostia with a hundred horsemen, and after telling what had taken place in the engagement and the agreement which had been made between the Romans and the Goths and otherwise encouraging them, he bade them bring their cargoes and come with all zeal to Rome. “For,” he said, “I shall take care that the journey is free from danger.” So he himself at early dawn rode back to the city, and Antonina together with the commanders began at daybreak to consider means of transporting the cargoes. But it seemed to them that the task was a hard one and beset with the greatest difficulties. For the oxen could hold out no longer, but all lay half-dead, and, furthermore, it was dangerous to travel over a rather narrow road with the waggons, and impossible to tow the barges on the river, as had formerly been the custom. For the road which is on the left of the river was held by the enemy, as stated by me in the previous narrative, and not available for the use of the Romans at that time, while the road on the other side of it is altogether unused, at least that part of it which follows the river-bank. They therefore selected the small boats belonging to the larger ships, put a fence of high planks around them on all sides, in order that the men on board might not be exposed to the enemy’s shots, and embarked archers and sailors on them in numbers suitable for each boat. And after they had loaded the boats with all the freight they could carry, they waited for a favouring wind and set sail toward Rome by the Tiber, and a portion of the army followed them along the right bank of the river to support them. But they left a large number of Isaurians to guard the ships. Now where the course of the river was straight, they found no trouble in sailing, simply raising the sails of the boats; but where the stream wound about and took a course athwart the wind, and the sails received no impulse from it, the sailors had no slight toil in rowing and forcing the boats against the current. As for the barbarians, they sat in their camps and had no wish to hinder their enemy, either because they were terrified at the danger, or because they thought that the Romans would never by such means succeed in bringing in any provisions, and considered it contrary to their own interest, when a matter of no consequence was involved, to frustrate their hope of the armistice which Belisarius had already promised. Moreover, the Goths who were in Portus, though they could see their enemy constantly sailing by almost near enough to touch, made no move against them, but sat there wondering in amazement at the plan they had hit upon. And when the Romans had made the voyage up the river many times in the same way, and had thus conveyed all the cargoes into the city without interference, the sailors took the ships and withdrew with all speed, for it was already about the time of the winter solstice; and the rest of the army entered Rome, except, indeed, that Paulus remained in Ostia with some of the Isaurians.