Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XX

  Now Belisarius, since he had captured Urbinus at about the winter solstice, thought it inexpedient to march against Auximus immediately; for he suspected that a long time would be consumed by his troops in besieging it. For it was impossible to take the place by storm because of the strength of its defences, and the barbarian garrison of the city was both numerous and composed of the best troops, as I have previously stated, and since they had plundered a large tract of country, they had brought in for themselves a great store of provisions. But he commanded Aratius with a numerous army to pass the winter in Firmum and to be on his guard that the barbarians in future should not be at liberty to make their raids from Auximus and fearlessly to carry on a campaign of violence in that region; he himself, however, led his army against Urviventus. For Peranius kept urging him to do this, since he had heard from the deserters that the Goths in that city had a scarcity of provisions, and he hoped that if, in addition to their lack of supplies, they should see Belisarius also present with his whole army, as they would suppose, they would give in the more readily, as indeed actually happened. For Belisarius, immediately upon reaching Urviventus, commanded the whole army to encamp in a place suitably situated, while he himself made a complete circuit of the city, looking carefully to see whether it was perhaps not impossible to capture it by storm. And it seemed to him that there was no possible means of taking the place by any manner of assault. However, he decided that it would not be altogether impossible to capture it by a secret stratagem.

  For the city occupies a lone hill which springs from low-lying ground, being on the top level and smooth, but precipitous at the base. And round this hill there stand rocks of equal height which form, as it were, a circle about it, not immediately at the base of the hill, but about a stone’s throw away. Upon this hill, then, the men of old built the city, and they neither placed walls around it nor constructed defences of any other kind, since the place seemed to them impregnable by nature. For there is only one approach to the city through the rocks, and if the inhabitants of the city only keep this under guard, they have nothing to fear from hostile attacks at any other point. For apart from the place where nature, as has been stated, constructed the approach to the city, a river which is always large and impassable occupies the space between the hill and the rocks which I have just mentioned. In view of this situation the Romans of old built a short piece of wall across this approach. And there is a gate in it, which the Goths were guarding at that time. Such is the situation of Urviventus.

  And Belisarius commenced the siege with his whole army, hoping either to deliver an attack by way of the river or to bring the enemy to submission by famine. The barbarians, on their part, were for a time not utterly destitute of provisions, though their supply was indeed too scanty for their needs, but still they held out beyond all expectation in enduring their suffering, never getting sufficient nourishment to satisfy them, and using each day only enough food so as not to die of starvation. But finally, when all their provisions had been exhausted, they began to eat skins and hides which they had previously soaked in water for a long time; for their commander Albilas, a man of especial note among the Goths, was sustaining them with empty hopes.

  Now as time went on and brought again the summer season, the grain was already ripening uncared for in the cornlands, but in no such quantities as formerly — indeed it was much less. For since it had not been covered in the furrows, either by ploughs or by the hand of man, but lay upon the surface, the earth was able to make only a small portion of it take root. And since after that no one reaped it, when it had become fully ripe it fell again to the ground and nothing grew from it thereafter. And this same thing had happened also in Aemilia; and because of this situation the inhabitants of that region left their homes and went to Picenum, thinking that, since that country was on the sea, it could not be suffering from absolute lack of food supplies. And the Tuscans, no less than the others, were attacked by famine for the same cause; and as many of them as lived in the mountains were eating loaves made of the acorns of the oak trees, which they ground up just like grain. The natural result of this was that the most of the people fell victim to all manner of diseases, and it was only a few who threw these off and recovered. Indeed it is said that among the Roman farmers in Picenum not less than fifty thousand persons perished by famine, and a great many more north of the Ionian Gulf.

  I shall now tell of the appearance which they came to have and in what manner they died, for I was an eye-witness. All of them first became lean and pale; for the flesh, being ill supplied with nourishment, according to the old saying “laid hold upon itself,” and the bile, having now the mastery of their bodies by reason of its excess, lent them almost its own appearance. And as the malady developed, all moisture left them, and the skin became very dry so that it resembled leather more than anything else, giving the appearance of having been fastened upon the bones. And as they changed from a livid to a black colour, they came to resemble torches thoroughly burned. And their faces always wore an expression of amazement, while they always had a dreadful sort of insane stare. And they died, some because of the lack of food, and others too by sating themselves too much with it. For since all the warmth which nature kindled within them had died away, whenever anyone fed them to satiety, and not little by little, just like infants newly born, the result was that, since they were as yet unable to digest the food, they died much more quickly. Some too, overcome by hunger, fed upon their comrades. And it is said that two women in a certain place in the country above the city of Ariminum ate seventeen men; for these women, as it happened, were the only inhabitants of the place who survived, and consequently it came about that strangers travelling that way lodged in the little house where these women lived; so they would kill these strangers while they slept and eat them. Now the story goes that the eighteenth stranger was roused from sleep, just when these women were about to lay hands upon him, and leaping up and learning from them the whole story, killed both of them. Such, then, is the story which they tell. And the most of the people were so overcome by their hunger that if they happened upon a bit of grass anywhere, they would rush to it with great eagerness, and kneeling down, would try to pull it from the ground. Then, finding themselves unable to do so because all strength had left them, they would fall upon the grass and their outstretched hand and die. And no one ever laid them in the earth, for there was in fact not a man to concern himself about burying them; and yet they remained untouched by any of those numerous birds which have the habit of feeding upon dead bodies, for they offered nothing which the birds craved. For all the flesh, as I have previously stated, had already been consumed by starvation. Such was the manner in which famine visited the land.

  Βελισάριος δὲ ἐπειδὴ Οὐραΐαν τε καὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους Μεδιόλανον πολιορκεῖν ἤκουσε, Μαρτῖνόν τε καὶ Οὐλίαριν ξὺν πολλῷ στρατῷ ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν. [2] οἱ δὲ ἀφικόμενοι ἐς ποταμὸν Πάδον, ὃς Μεδιολάνου ἀπέχει ἡμέρας ὁδόν, ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι αὐτοῦ ἔμενον. χρόνος τε σφίσι πολὺς ἐνταῦθα ἐτρίβη, ἀμφὶ τῇ διαβάσει τοῦ ποταμοῦ βουλὴν ἔχουσιν. [3] ὅπερ ἐπεὶ Μουνδίλας ἤκουσε, τῶν τινα Ῥωμαίων, Παῦλον ὄνομα, παῤ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν. [4] ὁ δὲ λαθὼν μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους ἐς τοῦ Πάδου τὴν ὄχθην ἦλθεν. ὁλκάδος δὲ οὐδεμιᾶς ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα ἐπιτυχὼν ἀπεδύσατό τε καὶ νηχόμενος ξὺν μεγάλῳ κινδύνῳ τὴν διάβασιν ἐποιήσατο. [5] κομισθεὶς οὖν ἐς τὸ Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον καὶ παρὰ τοὺς ἡγουμένους ἥκων ἔλεξε τοιάδε: ‘Μαρτῖνέ τε καὶ Οὐλίαρι, οὐ δίκαια ποιεῖτε
οὐδὲ δόξης τῆς ὑμῶν αὐτῶν ἄξια, λόγῳ μὲν ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῶν βασιλέως πραγμάτων ἥκοντες, ἔργῳ δὲ τὴν Γότθων δύναμιν αὔξοντες. [6] Μεδιόλανος γὰρ ἥδε, πόλεων τῶν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ πασῶν μάλιστα μεγέθει τε καὶ πολυανθρωπίᾳ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ εὐδαιμονίᾳ παρὰ πολὺ προὔχουσα, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων πρός τε Γερμανοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους βαρβάρους ἐπιτείχισμά τε οὖσα καὶ πάσης, ὡς εἰπεῖν, προβεβλημένη τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς, ἐς κίνδυνόν τινα ἐμπέπτωκε μέγαν ξύν τε Μουνδίλᾳ καὶ τῷ βασιλέως στρατῷ, παρὰ μὲν τῶν πολεμίων ἐνοχλουμένη, παρὰ δὲ ὑμῶν ἀμελουμένη. [7] ἡλίκα μὲν οὖν ἠδίκηται βασιλεὺς παῤ ὑμῶν ἐν τῷ παρόντι, λέγειν ἀφίημι. οὐ γάρ μοι πλείοσι λόγοις ὁ καιρὸς ἐνδίδωσι χρῆσθαι, ὀξεῖάν τινα τῇ πόλει τὴν ἐπικουρίαν ἐπιζητῶν, ἕως ἔτι λείπεταί τις ἐλπίς. [8] ὑμᾶς δέ φημι χρῆναι αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα κινδυνεύουσι Μεδιολανίταις ἀμύνειν. ἢν γάρ τινι μελλήσει ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι ἐς ἡμᾶς χρῆσθε, ἡμῖν μὲν τὰ πάντων πικρότατα πεπονθόσιν ἀπολωλέναι ξυμβήσεται, ὑμῖν δὲ τὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις τὴν βασιλέως προέσθαι δύναμιν. [9] προδόται γάρ, οἶμαι, καλεῖσθαί εἰσι δίκαιοι οὐχ οἳ ἂν τὰς πύλας τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἀνακλίνοιεν μόνον, ἀλλ̓ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον, εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, οἳ ἂν πολιορκουμένοις παρὸν τοῖς φιλτάτοις ἀμύνειν, οἱ δὲ τὴν ἀκίνδυνον ὄκνησιν πρὸ τῆς ἀγωνίας ἑλόμενοι, τὴν ἐκείνων, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἐπικράτησιν τοῖς πολεμίοις δεδώκασι.’ [10] Παῦλος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε, Μαρτῖνος δὲ καὶ Οὐλίαρις ἕψεσθαί οἱ αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐπαγγειλάμενοι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀπεπέμψαντο. [11] ὃς δὴ καὶ αὖθις τοὺς βαρβάρους λαθὼν ἐς Μεδιόλανον νύκτωρ εἰσῆλθε, τούς τε στρατιώτας καὶ Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας ἐλπίσιν ἐπάρας ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐς τὴν βασιλέως πίστιν ἐπέρρωσεν. [12] Οὐδέν τι δὲ ἧσσον οἱ ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνον ὄκνῳ ἐχόμενοι αὐτοῦ ἔμενον, χρόνος τε πολὺς ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ μελλησει ἐτρίβετο. [13] μετὰ δὲ Μαρτῖνος ἀπολύεσθαι τὴν αἰτίαν ἐθέλων Βελισαρίῳ ἔγραψε τάδε: ‘Ἔπεμψας ἡμᾶς ὧδε τοῖς ἐν Μεδιολάνῳ κινδυνεύουσιν ἐπαμυνοῦντας, καὶ ἡμεῖς πολλῇ σπουδῇ, ὥσπερ σὺ ἐκέλευες, ἄχρι ἐς Πάδον ποταμὸν ἥκομεν, ὃν διαβαίνειν ὁ στρατὸς δέδοικεν, ἐπεὶ δύναμίν τε Γότθων μεγάλην καὶ Βουργουζιώνων πάμπολύ τι ξὺν αὐτοῖς πλῆθος ἐν Λιγούροις εἶναι ἀκούομεν, πρὸς οὕς γε ἡμεῖς διαμάχεσθαι μόνοι οὐχ οἷοί τε οἰόμεθα εἶναι. [14] ἀλλὰ κέλευε Ἰωάννην τε καὶ Ἰουστῖνον ὡς τάχιστα ῾ἐν γειτόνων γὰρ ἡμῖν ἐν Αἰμιλίων τῇ χώρᾳ εἰσίν̓ ὁμοῦ τοῖς ἑπομένοις κινδύνου ἡμῖν τοῦδε ξυνάρασθαι. [15] κοινῇ γὰρ ἐνθένδε ἰόντες αὐτοί τε σῶοι εἶναι καὶ δρᾶν τι κακὸν δυνησόμεθα τοὺς [16] πολεμίους.’ Μαρτίνου μὲν ἡ ἐπιστολὴ τοσαῦτα ἐδήλου. Βελισάριος δέ, ἐπεὶ αὐτὴν ἀνελέξατο, Ἰωάννην τε καὶ Ἰουστῖνον ἐκέλευε ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνον ἐς Μεδιόλανον κατὰ τάχος ἰέναι. οἱ δὲ πράξειν οὐδὲν ἔφασκον, ὅ τι μὴ Ναρσῆς ἐπιστέλλοι σφίσι. [17] διὸ δὴ καὶ Ναρσῇ Βελισάριος ἔγραψε τάδε: ‘Ἓνσῶμα εἶναι πᾶσαν τὴν βασιλέως στρατιὰν νόμιζε, ἣν δὴ ἢν μὴ γνώμην ἐνδείκνυσθαι μίαν ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπου τὰ μέλη ξυμβαίνει, ἀλλά τι ἀλλήλων χωρὶς ἐνεργεῖν βούλεσθαι, λελείψεται ἡμῖν τῶν δεόντων οὐδὲν διαπεπραγμένοις ἀπολωλέναι. [18] οὐκοῦν Αἰμιλίαν μὲν ἔα, οὔτε τι ὀχύρωμα ἔχουσαν οὔτε τινὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι καιρῷ ῥοπὴν φέρουσαν. [19] σὺ δὲ Ἰωάννην τε καὶ Ἰουστῖνον κέλευε αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα εὐθὺ τῶν ἐν Μεδιολάνῳ πολεμίων ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνον ἰέναι, ἐγγύς τε ὄντας καὶ πρὸς τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν ἐπικράτησιν ἱκανῶς ἔχοντας. [20] ἐμοὶ γὰρ ἐνταῦθα στρατιᾶς πλῆθος, ὅπερ ἂν καὶ στέλλοιμι, οὐκ εἶναι ξυμβαίνει, ἄλλως τε καὶ στρατιώτας ἐς Μεδιόλανον ἐνθένδε ἰέναι ἀξύμφορον οἴομαι εἶναι. [21] χρόνου τε γὰρ τετρίψεται πλῆθος, ὥστε ὀπίσω τοῦ δέοντος καιροῦ ἐς αὐτὴν ἥξουσι, καὶ τοῖς ἵπποις ἐπὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις χρῆσθαι διὰ μῆκος ὁδοῦ, ἡνίκα ἐς ἐκείνους ἀφίκωνται, οὐδαμῶς ἕξουσιν. [22] ἢν δέ γε ξύν τε Μαρτίνῳ καὶ Οὐλίαρι οἱ ἄνδρες οὗτοι ἐς Μεδιόλανον ἴωσι, κρατήσουσί τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, τῶν ταύτῃ βαρβάρων, καὶ τὴν Αἰμιλίαν καταλήψονται αὖθις, οὐδενὸς ἔτι ἀντιστατοῦντος.’ [23] ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Ναρσῆς ἀπενεχθέντα εἶδε τὰ γράμματα, αὐτὸς μὲν Ἰωάννῃ τε καὶ Ἰουστίνῳ ἐπέστελλεν ἐς Μεδιόλανον ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἰέναι. [24] ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἰωάννης μὲν ἐς τὴν παραλίαν ἐστάλη, ὅπως ἀκάτους ἐνθένδε κομίζοι, οὕτω τε διαβαίνειν τὸν ποταμὸν ὁ στρατὸς δύνηται. ἀλλὰ νόσος αὐτῷ ξυμβᾶσα τὰ πρασσόμενα διεκώλυσεν. [25] Ἐν ᾧ δὲ οἵ τε ἀμφὶ Μαρτῖνον τῇ ἐς τὴν διάβασιν ὀκνήσει ἐχρῶντο καὶ οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην τὰς Ναρσοῦ ἐντολὰς ἔμενον, ἐν τούτῳ χρόνου δαπανᾶσθαι πολύ τι χρῆμα τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τετύχηκεν. [26] οἰ δὲ πολιορκούμενοι ἤδη ἐς ἄγαν τῷ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι καὶ τοῦ κακοῦ ὑπερβιαζομένου κυνῶν τε καὶ μυῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐγεύσαντο καὶ ζῴων ἄλλων ὅσα ἐς βρῶσιν ἀνθρώπου οὔποτε ἦλθον. [27] οἱ μὲν οὖν βάρβαροι πρέσβεις παρὰ Μουνδίλαν πέμψαντες ἐνδοῦναι σφίσι τὴν πόλιν ἐκέλευον, ἐφ̓ ᾧ ἀπαθεῖς αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται κακῶν μείνωσιν. [28] ὁ δὲ ταῦτα ὡμολόγησε πράξειν, ἢν ἐκεῖνοι ὑπέρ τε αὐτῶν τὰ πιστὰ δώσουσι καὶ ὡς οὐδὲν ἄχαρι ἐς τῶν οἰκητόρων τι
νὰ δράσουσιν. [29] ὡς δὲ οἱ πολέμιοι Μουνδίλᾳ τε καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις τὰ πιστὰ ἔδοσαν, θυμῷ τε πολλῷ ἐς Λιγούρους ἐχόμενοι ἅπαντας ἀπολοῦντες ἔνδηλοι ἦσαν, συγκαλέσας Μουνδίλας τοὺς στρατιώτας ἅπαντας ἔλεξε τοιάδε: [30] ‘Εἴ τινες καὶ ἄλλοι πώποτε, παρὸν αἰσχρῶς βιῶναι, οἱ δὲ μᾶλλον εὐκλεῶς ἀποθανεῖν εἵλοντο σωτηρίας τῆς παραυτίκα τὴν εὐπρεπῆ τοῦ βίου καταστροφὴν ἀλλαξάμενοι, τοιούτους δή τινας ἐν τῷ παρόντι βουλοίμην ἂν καὶ ὑμᾶς εἶναι καὶ μὴ τῷ φιλοψύχῳ τὸν μετὰ τῆς αἰσχύνης βίον διώκειν, καὶ ταῦτα ἀπὸ τῆς Βελισαρίου διδασκαλίας, ἧς ἐκ παλαιοῦ μετασχοῦσιν ὑμῖν μὴ οὐχὶ γενναίοις τε καὶ λίαν εὐτόλμοις εἶναι οὐχ ὅσιον. [31] τοῖς μὲν γὰρ εἰς φῶς ἥκουσι μία τις ἅπασι προέρχεται τύχη, τοῖς καθήκουσι τεθνήξεσθαι χρόνοις: τρόπῳ δὲ τῆς τελευτῆς ἄνθρωποι ἀλλήλων ὡς τὰ πολλὰ διαλλάσσουσι. [32] διαφέρει δέ, ὅτι ἄνανδροι μέν, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἅπαντες ὕβριν τε καὶ γέλωτα ὀφείλοντες τοῖς ἐχθροῖς πρότερον, εἶτα τοῖς ἄνωθεν διωρισμένοις καιροῖς οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἀναπιμπλᾶσι τὴν πεπρωμένην, γενναίοις δὲ ἀνδράσι ξύν τε τῇ ἀρετῇ καὶ δόξης ἀγαθῆς περιουσίᾳ τοῦτο ξυμβαίνει πάσχειν. [33] ἄνευ δὲ τούτων εἰ μὲν ἀνθρώπους τούσδε ξυνδιασώζουσιν ἡμῖν δουλεύειν τοῖς βαρβάροις παρῆν, ἔφερεν ἂν τοῦτο γοῦν τινα τῆς αἰσχρᾶς ταύτης ἡμῖν σωτηρίας συγγνώμην. [34] ἢν δέ γε Ῥωμαίους τοσούτους τὸ πλῆθος ἐπιδεῖν ἀνάγκη ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων διαφθειρομένους χερσίν, ὅτου τις ἂν εἴποι τοῦτο θανάτου πικρότερον ἔσται. [35] οὐ γὰρ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἢ τοῖς βαρβάροις ξυγκατεργάζεσθαι τὸ δεινὸν δόξαιμεν. ἕως οὖν ἔτι ἐσμὲν ἡμῶν αὐτῶν κύριοι ἀρετῇ τὴν ἀνάγκην κοσμήσασθαι, εὔδοξον τὴν προσπεσοῦσαν θώμεθα τύχην. [36] φημὶ δὲ χρῆναι ὡς ἄριστα ἐξοπλισαμένους ἡμᾶς ἅπαντας ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους οὐ προσδεχομένους χωρεῖν. [37] δυοῖν γὰρ ἡμῖν περιέσται θάτερον: ἢ τὴν τύχην ἐφ̓ ἡμῖν εἰργάσθαι τι κρεῖσσον ἐλπίδος ἢ τελευτῆς τετυχηκότας εὐδαίμονος εὐκλεῶς μάλιστα τῶν παρόντων ἀπηλλάχθαι κακῶν.’ [38] Μουνδίλας μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε, τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν ὑποστῆναι τὸν κίνδυνον οὐδεὶς ἤθελεν, ἀλλ̓ ἐφ̓ οἷς παρεκάλουν οἱ πολέμιοι σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐνέδοσαν. [39] καὶ αὐτοὺς μὲν οἱ βάρβαροι οὐδὲν ἄχαρι ἐργασάμενοι ἐν φυλακῇ ξὺν Μουνδίλᾳ εἶχον, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλον, ἄνδρας μὲν κτείναντες ἡβηδὸν ἅπαντας οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ μυριάδας τριάκοντα, γυναῖκας δὲ ἐν ἀνδραπόδων ποιησάμενοι λόγῳ, αἷς δὴ Βουργουζίωνας δεδώρηνται χάριν αὐτοῖς τῆς ξυμμαχίας ἐκτίνοντες. [40] Ῥεπάρατον δὲ εὑρόντες τὸν τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχον, ἔκοψάν τε κατὰ βραχὺ καὶ αὐτοῦ τὰ κρέα τοῖς κυσὶν ἔρριψαν. [41] Βηργεντῖνος δὲ ῾καὶ γὰρ ἐντὸς ὢν Μεδιολάνου ἔτυχἐ διὰ τε Βενετίων καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ ἐθνῶν ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐς Δαλματίαν κομίζεται. καὶ παρὰ βασιλέα ἐνθένδε ἦλθε, πάθος ἀγγέλλων μέγα τοῦτο ὃ Ῥωμαίοις ξυνέπεσε γενέσθαι. [42] καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ οἱ Γότθοι πόλεις τε τὰς ἄλλας ὁμολογίᾳ εἷλον αἳ Ῥωμαίων ἔτυχον φρουρὰς ἔχουσαι, καὶ Λιγουρίας αὖθις ὅλης ἐκράτησαν. Μαρτῖνος δὲ καὶ Οὐλίαρις ξὺν τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης ἀνέστρεφον.