Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XXII

  SUCH was the course of events in Liguria. And Belisarius, having not yet learned anything of what had happened in that field, was moving with his whole army into Picenum, since the winter was now coming to an end. But learning in the course of this journey what had befallen Milan, he grieved exceedingly. And never after that time would he allow Uliaris to come into his presence; but he wrote to the emperor everything which had taken place. And the emperor treated no one with severity on account of these things, but upon hearing of the disagreement between Belisarius and Narses, he recalled Narses immediately and appointed Belisarius commander-in-chief for the whole war. Thus it was that Narses returned to Byzantium, bringing some few of the soldiers. But the Eruli, seeing that Narses was departing from Italy, refused to remain there longer, although Belisarius promised that they would receive many benefits both from himself and from the emperor, if they remained; but they all packed up their luggage and withdrew, going first to Liguria. There they happened upon the army of Uraias, and they sold all the slaves and the animals they were taking with them to the enemy, and, having thus acquired a great amount of money, they took an oath that they would never array themselves against Goths or do battle with them. Thus they made their withdrawal in peace and came into the land of the Veneti. But upon meeting Vitalius there, they forthwith began to repent of the wrong they had done the Emperor Justinian. And seeking to clear themselves of the charge against them, they left there Visandus, one of their commanders, with his forces, but all the rest betook themselves to Byzantium under the leadership of Aluith and Philemuth, the latter having taken the command after Phanitheus was killed at Caesena.

  Now Vittigis and the Goths with him, hearing that Belisarius at the beginning of spring would come against them and Ravenna, were plunged into great fear, and they began to take counsel regarding the situation which confronted them; and realizing as they did that they alone were not a match for their enemy in battle, they decided, after long deliberation, to invite the assistance of some other barbarians. In carrying out this purpose, however, they avoided the Germans, having already had experience of their crafty and untrustworthy character, being well content if they too should not come against the Goths with Belisarius, but should stand aside for both. But they sent envoys to Vaces, the ruler of the Lombards, offering great sums of money and inviting him to an offensive and defensive alliance. But these envoys, upon learning that Vaces was a friend and ally of the emperor, returned unsuccessful. It was natural, therefore, that Vittigis should be at a loss in these circumstances, and he was constantly calling together many of the elders. And from them he made many inquiries as to how he should form his plans and act in order that he might achieve the greatest success. Accordingly many opinions were expressed by those who gathered for the council, some of them in no way adapted to the situation, and some too which contained suggestions worthy of some consideration. And among these suggestions this idea also was advanced, that the emperor of the Romans had plainly never been able to make war upon the barbarians in the West before the time when the treaty had been made with the Persians. For it was only then that the Van dais and Moors had been destroyed, and the Goths had suffered their present misfortunes. Consequently, if someone should once more rouse the hostility of the king of the Medes against the Emperor Justinian, the Romans thereafter would never be able, when once that nation had been stirred up to war against them, to carry on another war against any people in the world. This suggestion pleased both Vittigis himself and the other Goths.

  It was decided, therefore, that envoys should be sent to Chosroes, the king of the Medes, but that they should not be Goths, in order that the real character of the embassy might not be at once obvious and the negotiations be made useless, but Romans, who were to make him hostile to the Emperor Justinian. Accordingly they bribed two priests of Liguria with great sums of money to undertake this service. One of these men, who seemed to be the more worthy, undertook the embassy, assuming the appearance and the title of bishop, which did not belong to him at all, while the other followed as his attendant. Vittigis also entrusted to them a letter written to Chosroes and sent them off. And Chosroes, influenced by this very letter, committed acts of an outrageous character against the Romans in time of peace, as has been told by me in the preceding narrative. Now when the Emperor Justinian heard that Chosroes and the Persians were planning to this end, he decided to bring the war in the West to an end as quickly as possible, and to recall Belisarius in order that he might take the field against the Persians. So he immediately dismissed the envoys of Vittigis (for they happened to be still in Byzantium), promising that men would be sent by him to Ravenna who would draw up the treaty with the Goths in such form that the interests of both sides would be furthered. But Belisarius did not release these envoys to the enemy until they, in turn, had released the embassy of Athanasius and Peter. And when these men arrived at Byzantium, the emperor counted them worthy of the greatest gifts of honour, appointing Athanasius prefect of the pretorians in Italy, and giving Peter the office of “magister” as it is called. And the winter drew to a close, and the fourth year ended in this war, the history of which Procopius has written. [529 A.D.]

  Βελισάριος δὲ Αὔξιμόν τε καὶ Φισούλαν ἐξελεῖν πρότερον ἤθελε, οὕτω τε ἐπί τε Οὐίττιγιν καὶ Ῥάβενναν ἰέναι, οὐδενὸς ἔτι τῶν πολεμίων οὔτε σφίσιν ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθαι δυναμένου, οὔτε τὰ ὄπισθε κακουργεῖν ἔχοντος. [2] Κυπριανὸν μὲν οὖν καὶ Ἰουστῖνον ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις καὶ Ἰσαύρων τισὶν ἐς Φισούλαν ἔπεμψε, καὶ πεντακοσίους πεζοὺς ἐκ καταλόγου οὗ Δημήτριος ἦρχεν, οἳ δὴ τοὺς ἐκείνῃ βαρβάρους ἀμφὶ τὸ φρούριον στρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἐπολιόρκουν. [3] Μαρτῖνον δὲ καὶ Ἰωάννην ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις καὶ στρατεύματι ἄλλῳ οὗπερ Ἰωάννης ἡγεῖτο ὃν καὶ Φαγᾶν ἐκάλουν, ἀμφὶ Πάδον ποταμὸν ἔστελλεν. [4] οὓς δὴ φροντίδα ἔχειν ἐκέλευεν ὅπως μὴ Οὐραΐας τε καὶ οἱ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐκ Μεδιολάνου ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἴωσιν, ἢν δὲ τῶν πολεμίων τὴν ἔφοδον ἀποκρούεσθαι οὐχ οἷοί τε ὦσιν, ὄπισθεν αὐτοὺς λάθρα ἐπισπομένους κατὰ νώτου ἰέναι. [5] καὶ οἱ μὲν πόλιν Δορθῶνα πρὸς τῷ ποταμῷ ἀτείχιστον οὖσαν καταλαβόντες, αὐτοῦ τε ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἔμενον, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐς Αὔξιμον πόλιν χιλίους τε καὶ μυρίους ἔχων ἀφίκετο. [6] Αὔξιμος δὲ αὕτη πρώτη μὲν τῶν ἐν Πικηνοῖς πόλεών ἐστιν, ἣν δὴ μητρόπολιν καλεῖν νενομίκασι Ῥωμαῖοι. ἀπέχει δὲ ἀκτῆς μὲν κόλπου τοῦ Ἰονίου σταδίους τέσσαράς τε καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα μάλιστα, Ῥαβέννης δὲ πόλεως ὁδὸν τριῶν ἡμερῶν καὶ σταδίους ὀγδοήκοντα. [7] κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ λόφου τινὸς ὑψηλοῦ, εἴσοδον ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ οὐδαμῆ ἔχουσα, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἀπρόσοδος τοῖς πολεμίοις παντάπασιν οὖσα. [8] ἐνταῦθα Γότθων εἴ τι δόκιμον ἦν, Οὐίττιγις ἐς τὴν φρουρὰν κατεστήσατο, τεκμαιρόμενος ὅτι Ῥωμαῖοι, εἰ μὴ ταύτην ἐξέλωσι πρότερον, ἐπὶ Ῥάβενναν οὔποτε στρατεύειν τολμήσωσιν. [9] Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς ἐς Αὔξιμον ἦλθεν, ἐκέλευε Βελισάριος παρὰ τοῦ λόφου τὰ ἔσχατα �
�άντας στρατοπεδεύεσθαι κύκλῳ. [10] καὶ οἱ μὲν κατὰ συμμορίας γενόμενοι καλύβας ἄλλος ἄλλῃ τοῦ χωρίου ἐπήγνυντο, κατιδόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς οἱ Γότθοι μακράν που ἀπολελειμμένους ἀλλήλων καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπιβοηθεῖν ἅτε ἐν μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ οὐκ εὐπετῶς ἔχοντας, ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἀμφὶ δείλην ὀψίαν χωροῦσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἕω τῆς πόλεως, ᾗ Βελισάριος στρατόπεδον ἔτι ποιούμενος ξύν τε δορυφόροις καὶ ὑπασπισταῖς τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἔτυχεν. [11] οἱ δὲ ἀράμενοι τὰ ὅπλα ἐκ τῶν παρόντων τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἠμύνοντο, ῥᾷστά τε αὐτοὺς ἀρετῇ ὠσάμενοι ἔτρεψαν, καὶ φεύγουσιν ἐπισπόμενοι κατὰ μέσον τοῦ λόφου ἐγίνοντο. [12] ἔνθα οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπιστραφέντες καὶ χωρίου ἰσχύϊ πιστεύοντες ἀντίοι τοῖς διώκουσιν ἔστησαν, συχνούς τε αὐτῶν ἅτε κατὰ κορυφὴν βάλλοντες ἔκτειναν, ἕως νὺξ ἐπιλαβοῦσα ἐκώλυσεν. οὕτω τε διαλυθέντες ἑκάτεροι τὴν νύκτα ἐκείνην ηὐλίσαντο. [13] ἔτυχον δὲ τῇ προτεραίᾳ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου Γότθων τινὲς ὄρθρου βαθέος τροφῶν ξυγκομιδῆς ἕνεκα ἐς τὰ ἐκείνῃ σταλέντες χωρία. [14] οἳ δὴ οὐδὲν ἀμφὶ τῶν πολεμίων τῇ παρουσίᾳ πυθόμενοι ἐς νύκτα ἐπανῆκον. ἄφνω τε τὰ Ῥωμαίων πυρὰ κατιδόντες ἐν θαύματί τε καὶ δέει μεγάλῳ ἐγένοντο. [15] καὶ αὐτῶν πολλοὶ μὲν τὸν κίνδυνον ὑποστῆναι τολμήσαντες καὶ λαθόντες τοὺς πολεμίους ἐς Αὔξιμον ἐσῆλθον. ὅσοι δὲ κατορρωδήσαντες ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα ἐς ὕλας τινὰς σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἔκρυψαν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης χωρήσουσιν, οὗτοι δὴ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐναντίοις γενόμενοι διεφθάρησαν. [16] Βελισάριος δὲ κατιδὼν τὴν Αὔξιμον ἰσχυροτάτην ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ οὖσαν, παντελῶς τέ οἱ ἀμήχανα εἶναι προσβολὴν τῷ περιβόλῳ ποιήσασθαι, βίᾳ μὲν τὸ χωρίον ἑλεῖν οὐκ ἄν ποτε ᾤετο, πολιορκίᾳ δὲ ἀκριβεῖ ἔς τε ἀπορίαν τῶν ἀναγκαίων καταστήσεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐλπίδα εἶχε καὶ τῷ χρόνῳ ὑποχειρίους ποιήσασθαι. [17] Τοῦ δὲ περιβόλου οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν πόαν τινὰ πολλὴν ἡ γῆ ἀνιεῖσα ξυμβολῆς ἀφορμὴν ἐς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Γότθοις ἔφερε. [18] ταύτην γὰρ ἀποτεμνομένους ἀεὶ τῶν ἵππων ἕνεκα τοὺς ἐναντίους ὁρῶντες Ῥωμαῖοι ἔν τε τῷ λόφῳ δρόμῳ πολλῷ ἀνιόντες ἐγίνοντο καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐς χεῖρας ἰόντες ἔργα τε ἀρετῆς ἄξια ἐνδεικνύμενοι, φέρεσθαι τὴν πόαν οὐδαμῆ εἴων, πολλούς τε ἀεὶ τῶν ἐναντίων ἐν τῷ χώρῳ τούτῳ διέφθειρον. [19] οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἀρετῇ τῶν πολεμίων ἡσσώμενοι ἐπενόουν τάδε. τῶν ἁμαξῶν τοὺς τροχοὺς ξὺν μόνοις τοῖς ἄξοσιν ἀφελόμενοι ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχον, τέμνειν τε τὴν πόαν ἀρξάμενοι, ἐπειδὴ ἀνιόντας ἤδη ἐς τοῦ λόφου τὰ μέσα τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εἶδον, τοὺς τροχοὺς ἀφῆκαν κατὰ κορυφὴν ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς φέρεσθαι. [20] τύχῃ δέ τινι τούτους ξυνέπεσε τοὺς τροχοὺς ἄχρι ἐς τὸ ὁμαλὲς ἀνθρώπου οὐδενὸς ἁψαμένους ἐλθεῖν. ταύτης τε τῆς πείρας ἀποτυχόντες οἱ βάρβαροι, τότε μὲν φεύγοντες ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ἐγένοντο, ἔπειτα δὲ ἐποίουν τάδε. [21] τὰς φάραγγας, αἳ τοῦ περιβόλου εἰσὶν ἄγχιστα, ἐνέδραις τῶν ἐν σφίσι δοκίμων ἀνδρῶν προλοχίσαντες ὀλίγοι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀμφὶ τὴν πόαν ἐφαίνοντο, ἡνίκα τε ἡ μάχη ἐν χερσὶ γένοιτο, ἐκπηδῶντες ἐκ τῶν ἐνεδρῶν οἱ κρυπτόμενοι, πλήθει τε τοὺς ἐναντίους παρὰ πολὺ ὑπεραίροντες καὶ αὐτοὺς τῷ μὴ προαισθέσθαι ἐκπλήσσοντες πλείστους μὲν ἔκτεινον, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἀεὶ ἐς φυγὴν ἔτρεπον. [22] Ῥωμαίων δὲ ὅσοι ἐν τοῖς στρατοπέδοις εἱστήκεσαν ἔβλεπον μὲν ἐκ τῶν ἐνεδρῶν ὑπεξανισταμένους τοὺς πολεμίους, κραυγῇ δὲ πολλῇ τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀνακαλοῦντες οὐδὲν ἤνυον, ἐπεὶ οἱ μαχόμενοι τῆς ἐκείνων βοῆς ἥκιστα ἤκουον, μήκει τε τοῦ λόφου ἐπὶ πλεῖστον αὐτῶν διειργόμενοι καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀεὶ ἐξεπίτηδες σφίσιν ἀντιπαταγούντων τοῖς ὅπλοις. [23] Βελισαρίῳ δὲ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀπορουμένῳ Προκόπιος, ὃς τάδε ξυνέγραψε, προσελθὼν εἶπεν: ‘Οἱ ταῖς σάλπιγξιν, ὦ στρατηγέ, τὸ παλαιὸν ἐν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ χρώμενοι νόμους τινὰς ἠπίσταντο δύο, ὧν ἅτερος μὲν ἐγκελευομένῳ τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐῴκει καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐς μάχην ὁρμῶντι, ὁ δὲ ἄλλος ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἀνεκάλει τοὺς μαχομένους, ἡνίκα ταῦτα ἐδόκει τῷ στρατηγῷ ὡς ἄριστα ἔχειν. [24] ταύτῃ τε ἀεὶ οἱ μὲν στρατηγοὶ τὰ καθήκοντα τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐκέλευον, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ τὰ παραγγελλόμενα ἔργα ἐπιτελεῖν ἴσχυον. [25] κραυγὴ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ξυμβολαῖς σημῆναί τι σαφὲς οὐδαμῶς πέφυκε, πατάγου τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, πανταχόσε ἀντικτυποῦντος καὶ τοῦ δέους ἐκπλήσσοντος τὰς τῶν μαχομένων αἰσθήσεις. [26] ἐπεὶ δὲ τανῦν ἀμαθίᾳ τε ἡ τοιαύτη τέχνη ἐξώλισθε καὶ μιᾷ σάλπιγγι ἄμφω δηλῶσαι ἀμήχανον, αὐτὸς οὕτω τὸ λοιπὸν ποίει. [27] σάλπιγξι μὲν ταῖς ἱππικαῖς ἐγκελεύου τοῖς στρατιώταις διαμάχεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ταῖς δὲ πεζικαῖς ἐπὶ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἀνακάλει τοὺς ἄνδρας. [28] ἑκατέρου γὰρ αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἤχου μὴ οὐχὶ ξυνεῖναι ἀδύνατον, ἐπεὶ ὁ μὲν ἐκ βύρσης τε καὶ ξύλου ὑπεράγαν λεπτοῦ, ὁ δὲ ἐκ παχέος τινὸς χαλκοῦ πρόεισι.’ [29] Προκόπιος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε. Βελισάριος δὲ ἥσθη τε τῇ ὑποθήκῃ καὶ ἅπαν ξυγκαλέσας τὸ στράτευμα ἔλεξε τοιάδε: ‘Προθυμίαν ἐς τόδε ξυμφέρειν τε οἶμαι καὶ πολλοῦ ἐπαίνου ἀξίαν εἶναι, μέχρις ἂ
ν μετρία τις οὖσα οὐδὲν τοῖς ἔχουσι προσποιῆται βλάβος. [30] τῷ γὰρ ὑπερβάλλοντι τὰ ἀγαθὰ πάντα πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον ἀεὶ τρέπεσθαι εἴωθεν. ὑμεῖς οὖν μὴ τῷ φιλονείκῳ τὸ λοιπὸν σφάλλεσθε: φεύγειν γὰρ δή που τὸν κακουργοῦντα οὐδεμία αἰσχύνη. [31] ἀλλ̓ ὁ μὲν ἐς κακὸν προὖπτον ἀνεπισκέπτως ἰὼν καὶ σωθεὶς ἐνθένδε, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, ἄνοιαν ὀφλισκάνει: γενναῖος δὲ ὃς ἂν ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις ἀνδραγαθίζηται. [32] οἱ μὲν οὖν βάρβαροι, ἐπεὶ ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος ἡμῖν οὐχ οἷοί τέ εἰσι διαμάχεσθαι, προλοχίζοντες διαφθείρειν ἡμᾶς ἐγχειροῦσιν. ἡμῖν δὲ τοῦ διαφυγεῖν τὴν αὐτῶν ἐνέδραν τὸ τὸν κίνδυνον ὑποστῆναι μεμπτότερον. [33] τοῦ γὰρ ἐνδιδόναι ταῖς τῶν ἐχθρῶι γνώμαις οὐδὲν αἴσχιον. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν ὅπως μὴ προσπεσεῖσθε ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων ἐνέδραις μελήσει. [34] ἔργον δ̓ ἂν ὑμέτερον εἴη, ἐπειδὰν σημήνω, ἐς τὴν ἀναχώρησιν κατὰ τάχος ἰέναι. αὕτη δὲ ὑμῖν ἡ δήλωσις ἐκ σάλπιγγος, ὦ στρατιῶται, τῆς πεζικῆς ἔσται.’ Βελισάριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν. [35] οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἀμφὶ τὴν πόαν κατιδόντες τοὺς πολεμίους, δρόμῳ ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ᾔεσαν, τινάς τε αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ ὁρμῇ ἔκτεινον. [36] ἐν οἷς ἕνα χρυσοφοροῦντα τῶν τις Μαυρουσίων ἰδὼν λαβόμενός τε τῶν ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ τριχῶν, ὅπως ἀποδύοι, τὸν νεκρὸν ἐφεῖλκε. [37] Γότθος δέ τις αὐτὸν ἀκοντίῳ βαλὼν μυώνων τε, οἳ ὄπισθέν εἰσι τῶν κνημῶν, ἑκατέρων ἐπιτυχών, ἐνέρσει τοῦ ἀκοντίου ἄμφω τὼ πόδε ξυνέδησεν. [38] ἀλλ̓ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ὁ Μαυρούσιος τῶν τριχῶν ἐχόμενος τὸν νεκρὸν εἷλκεν. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ οἱ μὲν βάρβαροι τὰς ἐνέδρας ἐκίνουν, Βελισάριος δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου ὁρῶν τὰ ποιούμενα, ταῖς σάλπιγξι τοὺς πεζοὺς οἷς τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἐπέκειτο ἠχεῖν κατὰ τάχος ἐκέλευεν. [39] οἵ τε Ῥωμαῖοι αἰσθόμενοι κατὰ βραχὺ ἤδη ὑπεχώρουν, τὸν Μαυρούσιον ξὺν τῷ ἀκοντίῳ ἀράμενοι. οἷς δὴ οἱ Γότθοι ἕπεσθαι οὐκέτι ἐτόλμων, ἀλλ̓ ἄπρακτοι ἀνεχώρησαν.