Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  VI

  AFTER this Totila took the fortresses of Caesena and Petra. And a little later he entered Tuscany and made trial of the places there; but since no one was willing to yield to him, he crossed the Tiber, and, carefully refraining from entering the territory of Rome at all, he advanced immediately into Campania and Samnium and with no trouble won the strong city of Beneventum, the walls of which he razed to the ground, in order that any army coming from Byzantium might not be able, by using this strong base, to cause trouble for the Goths. After this he decided to besiege Naples, because the inhabitants, in spite of his many winning words, were quite unwilling to receive him into the city. For Conon was keeping guard there with a force of a thousand Romans and Isaurians. And Totila himself with the greater part of the army made camp not far from the fortifications and remained quiet, but he sent off a part of the army and captured the fortress of Cumae and certain other strongholds, from which he succeeded in gathering in great sums of money. And finding the wives of the senators there, he not only refrained from offering them any insult, but actually shewed such kindness as to let them go free, and by this act he won a great name for wisdom and humanity among all Romans.

  And since no hostile force was operating against him, he was constantly sending small detachments of the army round about and accomplishing results of great importance. In this way he brought the Brutii and Lucani under his sway, and gained Apulia as well as Calabria. And he himself collected the public taxes and also received the revenues from the land instead of those who owned the estates, and in all other matters he conducted himself as having become master of Italy. In consequence of this the Roman soldiers naturally did not receive their customary payments at the times appointed, and the emperor owed them great sums of money. Because of this situation the Italians, on the one hand, having been evicted from their property and finding themselves for the second time in very grave peril, were beginning to feel greatly dejected, while the soldiers, on the other hand, were shewing themselves increasingly insubordinate to their commanders, and were glad to remain inside the cities. So Constantianus was holding Ravenna, John Rome, Bessas Spolitium, Justinus Florentia, and Cyprian Perusia; and each one of the others was holding whatever town had originally provided him shelter and safety in his flight.

  Upon hearing of these things, the emperor, in sore distress, made all haste to appoint Maximinus pretorian prefect of Italy, commissioning him to exercise authority over the commanders for the purpose of carrying on the war, and to furnish the soldiers with provisions according to their needs. And he sent a fleet of ships with him, manning them with Thracian and Armenian soldiers. The leader of the Thracians was Herodian, and of the Armenians Phazas the Iberian, nephew of Peranius; and a few Huns also sailed with them. So Maximinus sailed forth from Byzantium with the whole fleet and reached Epirus in Greece, where for no good reason he proceeded to settle down and waste precious time. For he was utterly inexperienced in warlike deeds, and was consequently both timid and exceedingly prone to delay.

  Later on the emperor sent Demetrius also as general, a man who had previously served under Belisarius as commander of a detachment of infantry. So Demetrius sailed to Sicily, and, upon learning that Conon and the inhabitants of Naples were exceedingly hard pressed by the siege, being altogether out of provisions, he wished indeed to go to their assistance with all speed, but was unable to do so because the force which followed him was so small as to be of little consequence, and so devised the following plan. Gathering as many ships as possible from all Sicily and filling them with grain and other provisions, he set sail, making it appear to his opponents that some enormous army was aboard the ships. And he judged the mind of the enemy correctly; for they thought that a great army was coming upon them, reaching this conclusion just because they had learned that a huge fleet was sailing from Sicily. And if Demetrius had been willing at the very first to steer straight for Naples, I believe that he would have both struck terror into the enemy and saved the city, without a man opposing him. But as it was, he felt that the danger involved was too great, and so did not put in to Naples at all, but sailing to the harbour of Rome began hastily to gather soldiers from there. But the soldiers at Rome, having been defeated by the barbarians and still regarding them with great awe, were by no means willing to follow Demetrius against Totila and the Goths. Thus it came about that he was compelled to go to Naples with only the troops who had come with him from Byzantium.

  Now there was another Demetrius, a Cephalenian by birth, who had previously been a sailor and was thoroughly skilled in all matters pertaining to the sea and its dangers, and having sailed with Belisarius to Libya and to Italy, he had become noted for this skill of his; and for this reason the emperor had appointed him governor of Naples. And when the barbarians began to besiege the town, he was so carried away by a spirit of utter wantonness that he commenced to heap insults upon Totila, and continued often to do so, and the man was observed to have an exceedingly reckless tongue during this time of stress.

  As the situation became worse and the loss of life among the besieged was becoming serious, this man, acting on the advice of Conon, had the daring to embark secretly on a skiff and go alone to the general Demetrius. And having, to everybody’s surprise, made the voyage in safety and coming before Demetrius, he endeavoured with all his power to stir him to boldness, and urged him on to undertake the task before him. But Totila had heard the whole truth about this fleet and was holding many ships of the swiftest sort in readiness; and when the enemy put in at that part of the coast, not far from Naples, he came upon them unexpectedly, and filling them with consternation turned the whole force to flight. And although he killed many of them, he captured a very large number, and there escaped only as many as succeeded at the first in leaping into the small boats of the ships, among whom was Demetrius the general. For the barbarians captured all the ships with their cargoes, crews and all, among whom they found Demetrius, the governor of Naples. And cutting off his tongue and both his hands, they did not indeed kill him, but released him thus mutilated to go where he would. This then was the penalty which Demetrius paid to Totila for an unbridled tongue.

  Ὕστερον δὲ καὶ Μαξιμῖνος πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶ Σικελίᾳ προσέσχεν, ἔς τε τὰς Συρακούσας

  VII

  LATER on Maximinus also put in at Sicily with all his ships, and upon reaching Syracuse he remained quiet, being terrified at the perils of war. Now when the commanders of the Roman army learned of his coming, they all sent to him with great eagerness, begging him to come to the rescue with all speed; and Conon sent a particularly urgent message from Naples, where he was most vigorously besieged by the barbarians; for by this time all their provisions had been exhausted. But Maximinus, after delaying through the whole critical period in such a state of terror, was finally moved by his fear of the emperor’s threats and gave way before the abuse of the other commanders; so, while he himself still remained just where he was, he sent the whole army to Naples with Herodian, Demetrius and Phazas, the winter season being already very close upon them.

  But when the Roman fleet had reached a point close to Naples, a violent wind came down upon them, raising an extraordinarily severe tempest. And the darkness covered everything, while the surging waters prevented the sailors from pulling their oars or handling the ships in any other way. And because of the roar of foaming waves they were no longer able to hear one another, but complete confusion prevailed and they were at the mercy of the wind’s violence, which carried them, little as they wished it, to the very shore where the enemy were encamped. The barbarians, therefore, boarding the craft of their opponents at their leisure, began to kill the men and sink the ships without meeting any opposition. And they also captured along with many others the general Demetrius. But Herodian and Phazas with some few men succeeded in making their escape, because their ships did not come very close to the enemy’s camp. Such was the fate of the Roman fleet.

>   And Totila fastened a cord about Demetrius’ neck and so dragged him up to the wall of Naples, where he ordered him to advise the besieged no longer to ruin themselves by trusting in hopes of no avail, but to hand the city over as quickly as possible to the Goths and thus rid themselves of bitter hardships; for the emperor, he said, was unable thereafter to send them further aid, but in this fleet both their strength and their hope had utterly perished. So Demetrius spoke the words which Totila commanded. And the besieged, being now exceedingly hard pressed by famine and utter destitution, upon seeing the fate of Demetrius and hearing all his words, began to despair of every hope, and gave way to sorrowing and helplessness, and the city was filled with loud tumult and lamentation.

  Afterwards Totila himself called them up to the battlement, and addressed them as follows: “Men of Naples, it is not because we have any charge or reproach to bring against you, that we have undertaken this present siege, but in order that we may be able, by freeing you from most hated masters, to repay you for the service you have rendered us during this war — a service which has induced the enemy to treat you with the utmost severity. For it has come about that you alone among all the Italians have manifested the greatest loyalty to the Gothic nation and have fallen most unwillingly under the power of our opponents. So that, in the present circumstances, when we have been compelled to besiege you along with them, we naturally have a feeling of reluctance on account of your loyalty to us, although we are not carrying on the siege in order to harm the Neapolitans. Do not, therefore, in vexation at the miseries arising from the siege, think that you ought to regard the Goths with anger. For those who are striving to benefit their friends merit from them no blame, even though they be compelled to use unpleasant means in accomplishing the service they afford them. And as for the enemy, let not the least fear of them enter your hearts, and be not led by past events to think that they will gain the victory over us. For the unreasonable events of life, which are due to chance and contrary to expectation, are apt as time goes on to come to naught again. And such is the good-will which we feel toward you that we make the concession that both Conon and all his soldiers may go free from harm wherever they may wish, on the one condition that they yield the city to us and depart hence, taking with them all their own possessions; and nothing shall prevent our taking an oath to secure these promises and to guarantee the safety of the Neapolitans.”

  Thus spoke Totila; and both the Neapolitans and all the soldiers under command of Conon expressed approval; for the keen necessity of famine was pressing them hard. However, by way of guarding their allegiance to the emperor, and still expecting, as they did, that some assistance would come to them, they agreed to give up the city after thirty days. But Totila, wishing to dispel from their minds every hope of assistance from the emperor, appointed three months’ time, with the stipulation that after this time they should do as had been agreed. He declared, further, that until the time was accomplished he would make no assault on the wall, nor employ any stratagem of any kind. The agreement was accordingly approved in this sense. But the besieged, without awaiting the appointed day (for they were utterly overcome by the lack of necessities), a little later received Totila and the barbarians into the city. And the winter drew to its close, and the eighth year ended in this war, the history of which Procopius has written.[543 A.D.]

  Ἐπειδὴ δὲ Νεάπολιν Τουτίλας εἷλε, φιλανθρωπίαν ἐς τοὺς ἡλωκότας ἐπεδείξατο οὔτε πολεμίῳ οὔτε βαρβάρῳ ἀνδρὶ πρέπουσαν. [2] τοὺς μὲν γὰρ Ῥωμαίους λιμῷ νενοσηκότας λαβών, οἷς δὴ ὑπ̓ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡ τοῦ σώματος ἰσχὺς ὀπίσω ἤδη ἐκεχωρήκει, δείσας μὴ βρώσεως ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐς κόρον ἐλθόντες, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, [3] ἀποπνιγεῖεν, ἐπενόει τάδε. φυλακὰς ἔν τε τῷ λιμένι καὶ ταῖς πύλαις καταστησάμενος ἐκέλευε μηδένα πη ἐνθένδε ἰέναι. [4] αὐτὸς δὲ ἅπασι μικρολογίᾳ τινὶ προμηθεῖ ἐνδεεστέρως ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τὰ σιτία παρείχετο, προσεπιβάλλων ἡμέρᾳ ἑκάστῃ τοσοῦτον τοῦ μέτρου ὅσον οὐ δοκεῖν αἴσθησίν τινα τῶν ἐντιθεμένων ἐς ἀεὶ γίγνεσθαι. [5] οὕτω τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιρρώσας τὴν δύναμιν καὶ τὰς πύλας ἀναπετάσας ἕκαστον ὅπη βούλοιτο ἀφῆκεν ἰέναι. [6] Κόνωνα δὲ καὶ τοὺς ξὺν αὐτῷ στρατιώτας, ὅσους δὴ αὐτοῦ μένειν ἥκιστα ἤρεσκεν, ἐς ναῦς ἐμβιβάσας πλεῖν κατ̓ ἐξουσίαν ἐκέλευε. καὶ οἱ μὲν αἰσχύνην σφίσι φέρειν οἰόμενοι τὴν ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀναχώρησιν, πλεῖν κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ Ῥώμης διενοοῦντο. [7] τοῦ δὲ ἀνέμου σφίσιν ἀντιστατοῦντος ἀπαίρειν ἐνθένδε οὐδαμῆ ἔχοντες διηποροῦντο, δεδιότες μή τι Τουτίλαν τῶν ὡμολογημένων ὀλιγωρεῖν διὰ τὸ κεκρατηκέναι ξυμβαίη, καὶ κακόν τι μέγα πρὸς αὐτοῦ λάβωσιν. [8] ὧνπερ ἐπεὶ ὁ Τουτίλας ᾔσθετο, ξυγκαλέσας ἅπαντας παρηγόρει τε καὶ τὰ πιστὰ ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτοῖς ἐπιρρώσας, θαρσεῖν μὲν ἤδη ἐκέλευε καὶ τῷ Γότθων στρατῷ φόβῳ οὐδενὶ ἀναμίγνυσθαι, τά τε ἐπιτήδεια ἐνθένδε ὠνεῖσθαι καὶ εἴ του ἄλλου δέοιντο, ἅτε παρὰ φίλων κομίζεσθαι. [9] ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα ἔτι σφίσιν ἀπ̓ ἐναντίας ἐφέρετο καὶ χρόνος ἐτρίβη συχνός, ἵππους τε καὶ ὑποζύγια παρασχόμενος, ἐφοδίοις τε αὐτοὺς δωρησάμενος, ἐς Ῥώμην ἐκέλευεν ὁδῷ ἰόντας πορεύεσθαι, πομπούς τινας τῶν ἐν Γότθοις δοκίμων σφίσι ξυμπέμψας. [10] Τὸ δὲ Νεαπόλεως τεῖχος καθελεῖν ἐς ἔδαφος ἐνεχείρησεν, ὅπως αὐτὴν μὴ καταλαβόντες αὖθις Ῥωμαῖοι ἔκ τε ἐχυροῦ ὁρμώμενοι πράγματα Γοτθοις παράσχωσιν. [11] ἐν πεδίῳ γὰρ μᾶλλον ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος διακρίνεσθαι μάχῃ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἤθελεν ἢ τέχναις τισὶ καὶ σοφίσμασι διαμάχεσθαι. μοῖραν μέντοι αὐτοῦ καθελὼν πολλὴν τὸ λοιπὸν εἴασεν. [12] Ὑπὸ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ῥωμαῖός τις αὐτῷ προσελθών, Κ῾̣̣̓λαβρὸς γένος, ᾐτιᾶτο τῶν δορυφορων τῶν αὐτοῦ τινα τὴν παῖδα παρθένον οὖσαν οὔτι ἑκουσίαν βιάσασθαι. [13] καὶ ὃς τὸν ἄνθρωπον οὐκ ἀπαρνηθέντα τὸ ἔγκλημα τίσασθαι τῆς ἁμαρτάδος ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχων ἐν δεσμωτηρίῳ καθεῖρξε. [14] δείσαντες δὲ ἀμφ̓ αὐτὸν τῶν βαρβάρων οἱ δοκιμώτατοι ῾δραστήριος γάρ τις ἀνὴρ ἐτύγχανεν ὢν καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμιἀ ξυλλεγέντες εὐθὺς καὶ Τουτίλᾳ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἐδέοντο τῷ ἀνθρωπῳ τὴν αἰτίαν ἀφεῖναι. [15] Ὁ δὲ πρᾴως τε καὶ ταραχῇ οὐδεμιᾷ τῶν λεγομένων τὴν μάθησιν ποιησάμενος ἔλεξε τοιάδε: ‘Οὐκ ἀπανθρωπίας ὑπερβολῇ εἴκων οὐδὲ ξυγγενῶν ὑπερηδόμενος ξυμφοραῖς, ἀλλ̓ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα δεδιὼς μή τι Γότθοις ξυμβήσεται φλαῦ
ρον, ἐς λόγους τούσδε, ὦ ξυστρατιῶται, [16] καθίσταμαι. ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν τοῦτο οἶδα, ὡς τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὁ πολὺς ὅμιλος τὰ τῶν πραγμάτων ὀνόματα μεταβάλλουσιν ἐπὶ τοὐναντίον. [17] φιλανθρωπίαν μὲν γὰρ καλεῖν τὴν παρανομίαν εἰώθασιν, ἐξ ἧς διεφθάρθαι τε τὰ χρηστὰ πάντα καὶ ξυντεταράχθαι ξυμβαίνει, σκαιὸν δὲ καὶ ἀτεχνῶς δύσκολον, ὃς ἂν τὰ νόμιμα περιστέλλειν ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς βούληται, ὅπως δὴ τοῖς ὀνόμασι τούτοις παραπετάσμασιν ἐς τὴν ἀσέλγειαν χρώμενοι ἀδεέστερον ἐξαμαρτάνειν τε ἱκανοὶ εἶεν καὶ τὴν μοχθηρίαν ἐνδείκνυσθαι. [18] ὑμῖν δὲ παραινῶ μὴ τῆς ὑμῶν αὐτῶν σωτηρίας ἁμαρτάδα ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀνταλλάξασθαι, μηδὲ τοῦ μιάσματος τοῦδε αὐτοὶ τὸ μέρος οὐδὲν ἀδικοῦντες μεταλαχεῖν. τό τε γὰρ ἐξαμαρτεῖν καὶ τὸ διακωλύειν τὴν ἐς τοὺς ἐξημαρτηκότας τιμωρίαν, οἶμαι, ἐν ἴσῳ ἐστί. [19] βούλομαι τοίνυν οὑτωσὶ σκοπουμένους ὑμᾶς ποιήσασθαι τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων διάγνωσιν, ὡς νῦν αἵρεσις ὑμῖν δυοῖν πρόκειται, ἢ τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ὧν ἠδίκηκε μὴ δοῦναι τὴν δίκην, ἢ τὸ Γότθων γένος σεσῶσθαί τε καὶ τὸ τοῦ πολέμου κεκτῆσθαι κράτος. [20] σκέψασθε γάρ: ἦν ἡμῖν κατ̓ ἀρχὰς τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου στρατιωτῶν μὲν πλῆθος δόξῃ τε καὶ τῇ ἐς τοὺς κινδύνους ἐμπειρίᾳ λαμπρόν, χρήματα δὲ ξυνελόντα εἰπεῖν ἀριθμοῦ κρείσσω, ἵππων δὲ καὶ ὅπλων περιουσίας ὑπερβολή τις, καὶ πάντα ὅσα ἔν γε Ἰταλιώταις ὀχυρώματά ἐστιν. καὶ ταῦτα γὰρ οὐκ ἀχρεῖα παντάπασιν εἶναι δοκεῖ τοῖς ἐς πόλεμον καθισταμένοις ἐφόδια. [21] ἐπεὶ δὲ ὑπὸ Θευδάτῳ ταττόμενοι, ἀνδρὶ τὸ δίκαιον περὶ ἐλάσσονος τῆς ἐς τὸ πλουτεῖν ἐπιθυμίας πεποιημένῳ, ἵλεων ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς τὸν θεὸν παρανομίᾳ τῇ ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ὡς ἥκιστα κατεστήσαμεν, ὅπη ποτὲ κεχώρηκεν ἡμῖν ἡ τύχη ἐπίστασθε δή που, ὑφ̓ οἵων τε καὶ ὁπόσων ἡσσημένοις ἀνδρῶν. [22] νῦν δὲ τὴν δίκην παῤ ἡμῶν ὁ θεὸς ὧν ἐξημάρτομεν ἱκανῶς ἔχων αὖθις ἡμῖν κατὰ τὸ βούλημα ῥυθμίζει τὸν βίον καὶ τὸ ξύμπαν εἰπεῖν ἄμεινον ἡμῖν ἢ κατ̓ ἐλπίδα τὰ πράγματα ἄγει, οἷς γε ὑπὲρ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν δύναμιν νενικηκέναι τοὺς πολεμίους τετύχηκε. [23] περιστέλλειν οὖν τὴν τῆς νίκης πρόφασιν τῷ τὰ δίκαια πράσσειν ξυνοίσει μᾶλλον ἢ ἀπ̓ ἐναντίας αὐτῇ ἰόντας φθονεροὺς ἡμᾶς ἐφ̓ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς γεγενῆσθαι δοκεῖν. [24] οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν, οὐκ ἔστι, τὸν ἀδικοῦντα καὶ βιαζόμενον ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσιν εὐδοκιμεῖν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸν βίον ἑκάστου ἡ τοῦ πολέμου πρυτανεύεται τύχη.’ Τουτίλας μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν. [25] ἐπαινέσαντες δὲ τὰ εἰρημένα οἱ Γότθων λόγιμοι τὸν δορυφόρον οὐκέτι ἐξῃτοῦντο, ἀλλ̓ εἴων ὅπως ποτὲ αὐτῷ πράσσειν δοκοίη. καὶ ὃς τὸν μὲν ἄνθρωπον οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν διεχρήσατο, τὰ δὲ χρήματα, ὅσα δὴ αὐτοῦ ἐτύγχανεν ὄντα, τῇ βιασθείσῃ παρέσχετο.