Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XXXI

  AT this time certain men formed a plot to assail the Emperor Justinian. And I shall now set forth how these men came to undertake this plot and the manner in which they were frustrated and never came to the accomplishment of their purpose. Artabanes, after slaying the tyrant Gontharis, as told in the preceding narrative, conceived an immoderate desire to take to wife the emperor’s niece Preiecta, who was betrothed to him. Now she, too, desired this very ardently, not that she was led to this by love for the man, but because she acknowledged a heavy-debt of gratitude to him, seeing that he had not only avenged the murder of her husband Areobindus, but had also rescued and snatched her from peril when she was a captive and destined after no long time to become the unwilling consort of the tyrant Gontharis. Since, then, both wanted this, Artabanes sent Preiecta to the emperor, while he himself, though appointed to the post of General of all Libya, invented sundry untruthful pretexts to induce the emperor to summon him to Byzantium. For he was led on to do this by the hope of this marriage, which suggested to him many blessings that would flow from the union and, in particular, that he would thereafter not be far from the throne. For when men lay hold upon prosperity unexpectedly, their minds cannot remain stable, but in their hopes they ever keep going forward, until they are deprived even of the felicity that has been undeservedly theirs.

  However, the emperor fulfilled his request and summoned Artabanes to Byzantium, while he appointed in his place another General of Libya, as has been related above. Now when Artabanes reached Byzantium, the common people admired him for his achievements and loved him for his other qualities For he was both tall of stature and handsome, of a noble character and little given to speech. And the emperor had honoured him in a very unusual manner. For he had appointed him general of the troops in Byzantium and commander of the foederati, as well as clothing him with the dignity of consul. But as for Preiecta, Artabanes was quite unable to marry her. For he had already a wife who was a relative of his and had been married to him from childhood. This wife he had, for his part, repudiated long before, doubtless because one of those causes had developed such as lead to the estrangement of man and wife. She, for her part, as long as the affairs of Artabanes were not prosperous, had remained at home without causing any trouble, bearing her lot in silence. But when Artabanes had now become illustrious by his deeds and great by his good fortune, the woman could no longer bear her dishonour and came to Byzantium. There, making herself a suppliant of the empress, she demanded the right to take back her husband. Whereupon the empress, whose nature always led her to assist unfortunate women, decided to force Artabanes to accept her as his wife, although he rebelled violently, while John the son of Pompeius and nephew of Hypatius made Preiecta his wedded wife. This calamity Artabanes did not bear lightly, but he became furious and said that one who had served the Romans so well... was now refused permission to lead in marriage the woman to whom he was betrothed and who shared with him a common desire to consummate the marriage, but he was, on the contrary, compelled for ever to share the couch of the one woman in the world most hateful to him — a situation which is bound inevitably to harass a man’s soul. Consequently, a little later, as soon as the empress had passed from the world, he, without further ado, promptly and joyfully sent this wife away.

  Now it happened that Germanus, who was nephew to the emperor, had a brother named Boraides. This Boraides, then, brother of Germanus, had recently died, leaving the most of his property to his brother and nephews. And though he had a wife and one daughter, he directed that the daughter should have only as much as the law required. Because of this, the emperor chose to champion the daughter’s cause, an act which irritated Germanus exceedingly.

  Βασιλεῖ μὲν οὖν τά τε ἀμφὶ Ἀρταβάνῃ καὶ Γερμανῷ ταύτῃ πη εἶχεν. ἦν δέ τις Ἀρσάκης ὄνομα ἐν Βυζαντίῳ, Ἀρμένιος γένος, Ἀρσακίδης ἀνήρ, τῷ Ἀρταβάνῃ κατὰ γένος προσήκων. [2] ὃς δὴ κακουργῶν ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν ἐφωράθη καὶ προδοσίας διαφανῶς ἑάλω ἅτε δὴ ἐς Χοσρόην τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα πράγματα ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίοις νεώτερα πράσσων. [3] βασιλεύς τε αὐτὸν ἄλλο μὲν εἰργάσατο οὐδὲν ἄχαρι, ξάνας δὲ οὐ πολλὰς κατὰ νώτου ἐπόμπευσε καμήλῳ ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν ὀχούμενον, οὐδὲν μέντοι αὐτὸν οὔτε τοῦ σώματος οὔτε τῆς οὐσίας ἀφείλετο, [4] οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ φυγῇ ἐζημίωσε. δυσφορούμενος δὲ ὅμως τοῖς ξυμπεπτωκόσιν Ἀρσάκης δολώσεις ἐπί τε Ἰουστινιανῷ καὶ τῇ πολιτείᾳ ἐπινοεῖν ἤρξατο. [5] ἐπειδή τε ξυναχθόμενόν οἱ τὸν Ἀρταβάνην ἅτε ξυγγενῆ εἶδεν, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠρέθιζέ τε καὶ λόγων ἐνέδραις τὸν ἄνθρωπον καταλαβὼν ἐκάκιζεν, οὔτε νύκτα οὔτε ἡμέραν τινὰ ἀνιείς, ἀνδρεῖόν τε καὶ ἀνδρόγυνον ἀπὸ καιροῦ γεγονότα ὠνείδιζεν. [6] ἐπὶ μὲν γὰρ κακοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις γενναῖόν τε καὶ τῆς τυραννίδος διαλυτὴν αὐτὸν γεγονέναι, φίλον τε ὄντα καὶ ἑστιάτορα Γόνθαριν αὐτοχειρὶ λαβόντα κτεῖναι οὐδενὶ λόγῳ. [7] ἐν δέ γε τῷ παρόντι ἀποδειλιάσαντα οὕτως ἀνάνδρως ἐνταῦθα καθῆσθαι, τῆς μὲν πατρίδος οἱ φρουρουμένης τε ἐνδελεχέστατα καὶ δασμοῖς ἐκτετηκυίας ἀήθεσι, τοῦ δὲ πατρὸς ἀνῃρημένου ἐπὶ ξυνθηκῶν τε καὶ ξυμβάσεως λόγῳ, παντὸς δὲ τοῦ ξυγγενοῦς δεδουλωμένου τε καὶ σκεδαννυμένου ἀεὶ πανταχόσε τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς. [8] ἀλλὰ τούτων τοιούτων ὄντων αὐτῷ Ἀρταβάνης ἀποχρῆν οἴεται, εἰ στρατηγός τε Ῥωμαίων εἴη καὶ ὕπατος καλοῖτο μόνον. ‘Καὶ σὺ μὲν’ ἔφη ‘ξυγγενεῖ τέ μοι ὄντι καὶ πεπονθότι ἀνήκεστα ἔργα οὐδαμῆ συναλγεῖς: ἐγὼ δέ σε οἰκτείρω τῆς ἐπ̓ ἀμφοῖν ταῖν γυναικοῖν, ὦ βέλτιστε, τύχης, ἧς τε οὐ δέον ἐστέρησαι καὶ ᾗ ξυνοικεῖν ἠναγκάσθης. [9] καίτοι οὐδένα εἰκός, ὅτῳ φρονήματος καὶ κατὰ βραχύ τινος μέτεστι, τὸν Ἰουστινιανοῦ ἀναδύεσθαι φόνον οὔτε ὀκνήσει οὔτε ὀρρωδίᾳ τινί, ὃς δὴ κάθηται ἀφύλακτος ἐς ἀεὶ ἐπὶ λέσχης τινὸς ἀωρὶ νύκτωρ, ὁμοῦ τοῖς τῶν ἱερέων ἐσχατογέρουσιν ἀνακυκλεῖν τὰ Χριστιανῶν λόγια σπουδὴν ἔχων. [10] ἀλλὰ γὰρ’ ἔφη ‘οὐδέ τίς σοι ἀντιστήσεται τῶν Ἰουστινιανοῦ ξυγγενῶν. ὁ μέντοι γε πάντων δυνατώτατος Γερμανός, οἶμαι, ξυλλήψεταί σοι προθυμούμενος ξὺν τοῖς παισὶ τοῖς αὑτοῦ, νεανίαις τε οὖσι καὶ τῇ τε ἡλικίᾳ καὶ τῷ θυμῷ ἐπ̓ αὐτὸν ζέουσιν, οὕς γε καὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν αὐτοματίσειν ἐλπίδα ἔχω. [11] ἠδικημένοι γὰρ πρὸς ἐκείνου τυγχάνουσιν ἤδη ὅσα οὔτε ἡμεῖς οὔτε τις ἄλλος Ἀρμενίων οὐδείς.’ τοιούτοις Ἀρσάκης ἀεὶ καταγοητεύων τὸν Ἀρταβάνην, ἐπειδή ποτε αὐτὸν ἐνδόντα εἶδεν, ἐπί τινα Περσαρμένιον ἕτερον, [12] Χανα�
�άγγην ὄνομα, τὸ πρᾶγμα ἦγεν. ἦν δὲ οὗτος ὁ Χαναράγγης νεανίας μέν, καλὸς δὲ τὸ σῶμα, οὐ μέντοι κατεσπουδασμένος, ἀλλ̓ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον παιδαριώδης. [13] Ἐπεὶ οὖν Ἀρσάκης αὐτόν τε καὶ Ἀρταβάνην τά τε ἐς τὴν γνώμην καὶ ἐς τοὺς λόγους ξυνέμιξεν, ἀπηλλάσσετο ἐπαγγειλάμενος Γερμανόν τε καὶ τοὺς αὐτοῦ παῖδας ὁμογνώμονας ἐς τὸ ἔργον θήσεσθαι σφίσι. [14] καὶ ἦν γὰρ Ἰουστῖνος ὁ πρεσβύτερος τῶν Γερμανοῦ παίδων νεανίας μὲν καὶ πρῶτον ὑπηνήτης, δραστήριος δὲ καὶ ἐς τὰς πράξεις ὀξύτερος: [15] ὥστε καὶ ἐς τῶν ὑπάτων τὸν δίφρον οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν ἀναβεβήκει. ἀφικόμενός τε παῤ αὐτὸν Ἀρσάκης ἔφασκέν οἱ λάθρα ἐν ἱερῷ τινι ἐντυχεῖν βούλεσθαι. [16] ἐπεί τε ἐν τῷ ναῷ ἐγενέσθην ἄμφω, ἠξίου πρῶτον Ἀρσάκης τὸν Ἰουστῖνον δἰ ὅρκων ἰσχυρίσασθαι μή ποτε τοὺς λόγους ἔς τινα τῶν πάντων ἀνθρώπων ὅτι μὴ ἐς τὸν πατέρα μόνον ἐξοίσειν. [17] ταῦτά τε ὀμωμοκότι τῷ ἀνδρὶ ὠνείδιζεν εἰ βασιλεῖ ξυγγενὴς πλησιαίτατος ὢν ἀγοραίους μὲν καὶ ἀγελαίους ἀνθρώπους τινὰς ἔχοντας οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς προσῆκον ὁρῶν τὰς τῆς πολιτείας ἀρχάς, αὐτὸς δὲ τηλίκος ὢν ἤδη ὡς αὐτοῦ εἶναι διοικεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα, οὐχ αὑτὸν μόνον περιορῴη, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν πατέρα, καίπερ ἐπ̓ ἄκρον ἀρετῆς ἥκοντα, καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἰουστινιανὸν ἐν ἰδιώτου μοίρᾳ καθημένους τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα. [18] καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦ θείου τὴν οὐσίαν αὐτὸν εἰσιέναι ξυνέβη, ἧς δὴ κληρονόμος τά γε ὅσα βεβουλῆσθαι Βοραΐδην αὐτὸς γεγονώς, εἶτα οὐ δέον ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀφῄρηται. [19] καίτοι πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς περιοφθήσεσθαι εἰκὸς αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα, ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα Βελισάριος ἐξ Ἰταλίας ἀφίκηται. ἠγγέλλετο γὰρ ὢν ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς ἤδη που μέσοις. [20] τοσαῦτα ὑπειπὼν Ἀρσάκης ἐς τὴν ἐς βασιλέα ἐπιβουλὴν τὸν νεανίαν ὥρμα, τά τέ οἱ αὐτῷ καὶ Ἀρταβάνῃ ξυγκείμενα καὶ τῷ Χαναράγγῃ ἀμφὶ τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἀποκαλύψας. [21] ταῦτα Ἰουστῖνος ἀκούσας ξυνεταράχθη τε καὶ ἰλιγγιάσας ἄντικρυς τῷ Ἀρσάκῃ ἀπεῖπε μήτ̓ ἄν οἱ αὐτῷ μήτε Γερμανῷ τῷ πατρὶ ταῦτά ποτε ποιητέα εἶναι. [22] Καὶ ὁ μὲν Ἀρσάκης τὰ ξυμπεσόντα τῷ Ἀρταβάνῃ ἀπήγγειλεν, ὁ δὲ Ἰουστῖνος ἐς τὸν πατέρα τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀνήνεγκε. καὶ ὃς Μαρκέλλῳ κοινολογησάμενος, ὃς τῶν ἐν Παλατίῳ φυλάκων ἦρχεν, ἀμφὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα ξυμβουλὴν ἐποιεῖτο, εἴπερ σφίσι ταῦτα ἐς βασιλέα ἐξενεγκεῖν ξύμφορον εἴη. [23] ἦν δὲ οὗτος ὁ Μάρκελλος ἐμβριθέστατός τε τὸ ἦθος καὶ τῇ σιωπῇ τὰ πολλὰ νέμων, οὔτε χρημάτων τι ἕνεκα πράσσων οὔτε λόγων ἢ πράξεων γελωτοποιῶν ἀνεχόμενος οὔτε ἄλλως ἀνειμένῃ διαίτῃ χαίρων, ἀλλὰ βίον σκληρόν τέ τινα καὶ ἡδονῆς ἀλλότριον ἐς ἀεὶ ἔχων, τοῦ μέντοι δικαίου ἐπιμελητὴς ἀκριβὴς καὶ τοῦ ἀληθοῦς διαπυρώτατος ἐραστής. [24] ὃς δὴ τότε οὐκ εἴα τὸν λόγον ἐς βασιλέα φέρεσθαι. ‘Σὲ μὲν γὰρ τούτου’ ἔφη ‘μηνυτὴν γενέσθαι ἀξύμφορον. ἢν γάρ τι λάθρα ἐρεῖν βασιλεῖ βούλοιο, ὑποτοπήσουσί τε εὐθὺς οἱ ἀμφὶ Ἀρταβάνην αὐτὸ μεμηνύσθαι, καὶ ἤν που Ἀρσάκης διαφυγὼν λαθεῖν δύνηται, ἀνεξέλεγκτον τὸ ἔγκλημα μενεῖ. [25] ἐγὼ δέ τι μὴ λίαν ἀκριβολογησάμενος ἢ πιστεύειν αὐτὸς ἢ βασιλεῖ ἐσαγγέλλειν οὐδαμῆ εἴωθα. [26] βούλομαι τοίνυν ἢ τῶν λόγων αὐτήκοος γενέσθαι ἢ τῶν μοι ἐπιτηδείων τινὰ ἐκ παρασκευῆς ὑμετέρας ἀκοῦσαι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου λέγοντός τι ὑπὲρ τούτων διαφανές.’ [27] Ταῦτα ὁ Γερμανὸς ἀκούσας Ἰουστῖνον τὸν παῖδα ἐκέλευε πράσσειν ὅπως ἡ Μαρκέλλου ἐπίταξις ἐπιτελὴς εἴη. [28] ὁ δὲ Ἀρσάκῃ μέν τι ὑπὲρ τούτου εἰπεῖν οὐκέτι εἶχεν, ἐπεὶ ἄντικρυς αὐτῷ, ὥσπερ μοι ἐρρήθη, ἀπειπὼν ἔτυχε. [29] τοῦ δὲ Χαναράγγου ἀνεπυνθάνετο εἰ Ἀρταβάνου γνώμῃ ἔναγχος Ἀρσάκης παῤ αὐτὸν ἥκοι. ‘Ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἄν ποτε’ ἔφη ‘τῶν τι ἀπορρήτων ἐθάρσησα ἐπ̓ ἐκείνῳ τοιῷδε ὄντι καταλιπεῖν. [30] ἀλλ̓ εἴ μοι βούλοιό τι αὐτὸς τῶν προὔργου εἰπεῖν, ἐπὶ κοινῆς βουλευσάμενοι τάχα [31] ἄν τι καὶ ἀγαθὸν πράξαιμεν.’ ὑπὲρ τούτων ὁ Χαναράγγης τῷ Ἀρταβάνῃ κοινολογησάμενος ἅπαντα ἐς τὸν Ἰουστῖνον ἐξήνεγκεν, ὅσα δὴ πρότερον Ἀρσάκης αὐτῷ εἰπὼν ἔτυχεν. [32] Ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἰουστῖνος αὐτός τε ἅπαντα ἐπιτελέσειν καὶ τὸν πατέρα ὡμολόγει ὁμογνωμονοῦντα παρέξεσθαι, ἐδόκει τῷ Γερμανῷ τὸν Χαναράγγην ἐς λόγους ξυμμῖξαι, τακτή τε ἡμέρα τῷ διαλόγῳ ξυνέκειτο. [33] ταῦτα ὁ Γερμανὸς Μαρκέλλῳ σημήνας ἠξίου τῶν τινά οἱ ἐπιτηδείων παρέχεσθαι σφίσιν, [34] αὐτήκοον τῶν Χαναράγγου λόγων ἐσόμενον. ὁ δὲ Λεόντιον παρείχετο, τὸν Ἀθανασίου γαμβρόν, ἄνδρα λόγου τε τοῦ δικαίου μεταποιούμενον καὶ ἀληθίζεσθαι ἐξεπιστάμενον μάλιστα. [35] ὃν δὴ ὁ Γερμανὸς ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν ἐσαγαγὼν ἐν δωματίῳ ἐκάθισεν, ἵνα δὴ ἀπεκρέματό τις παχεῖα σινδὼν παραπέτασμα τῆς στιβάδος οὖσα, ἐφ̓ ἧς ἑστιᾶσθαι εἰώθει. [36] ταύτης τε τῆς σινδόνος τὸν μὲν Λεόντιον ἐντὸς ἔκρυψεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν Ἰουστίνῳ τῷ παιδὶ ἐκτὸς ἔμενεν. [37] ἐνταῦθα τοῦ Χαναράγγου ἀφικομένου ἤκουσε σαφῶς ὁ Λέοντιος ἅπαντα λέγοντος, ἅπερ αὐτῷ τε καὶ Ἀρταβάνῃ καὶ τῷ Ἀρσάκῃ ἐν βουλῇ ἐγεγόνει. [38] ἐν τοῖς καὶ τόδε ἐς τὸν λόγον ἦλθεν, ὡς, ἢν βασιλέα κτείνωσι Βελισαρίου ἔτι ἐς Βυζάντιον ὁδῷ ἰόντος, οὐδὲν ἂν τῶν βεβουλευμένων προχωρήσειε σφίσιν: εἴπερ α�
��τοῖς μὲν βασιλέα Γερμανὸν καταστήσεσθαι βουλομένοις εἴη, Βελισάριον δὲ πλῆθος στρατιᾶς ἀθροίσειν εἰκὸς ἐκ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρίων, οὕτω τε σφίσιν ἐπιόντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ ἀπωθεῖσθαι ἱκανοὶ ἔσονται. [39] δεήσει γοῦν ἐς μὲν τὴν Βελισαρίου παρουσίαν ἀποθέσθαι τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἐπειδὰν δὲ ὁ ἀνὴρ τάχιστα ἐς Βυζάντιόν τε ἀφίκηται καὶ παρὰ βασιλέα ἐν Παλατίῳ εἴη, τότε δή, ἑσπέρας βαθείας που οὔσης, ἐγχειρίδια φέροντας ἀπροσδοκήτους ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι, καὶ Μάρκελλόν τε καὶ Βελισάριον ξὺν βασιλεῖ κτεῖναι. [40] οὕτω γὰρ τὸ ἐνθένδε ἀδεέστερον ᾗ βούλονται διοικήσονται. Ταῦτα Μάρκελλος πρὸς Λεοντίου μαθὼν οὐδ̓ ὣς ἐς βασιλέα τὸν λόγον ἀνενεγκεῖν ἔγνω, ἀλλ̓ ἔτι ὀκνήσει πολλῇ εἴχετο, τοῦ μὴ τὸν Ἀρταβάνην σπουδῇ πολλῇ κατεργάσασθαι ἀπερισκέπτως. [41] ὁ μέντοι Γερμανος ἅπαντα ἔς τε Βούζην καὶ Κωνσταντιανὸν ἐξήνεγκε, δείσας, ὅπερ ἐγένετο, μή τινα ἐκ τῆς μελλήσεως ὑποψίαν λάβῃ. [42] Ἡμέραις δὲ πολλαῖς ὕστερον, ἐπειδὴ παρὼν Βελισάριος ἄγχιστά του ἤδη ἠγγέλλετο, Μάρκελλος μὲν ἐς βασιλέα τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀνήνεγκεν, ὁ δὲ αὐτίκα ἐς τὴν εἱρκτὴν ἀπαχθῆναι τοὺς ἀμφὶ Ἀρταβάνην ἐκέλευε, τῶν τε ἀρχόντων τισὶ τὴν ἐπ̓ αὐτοῖς ἐπέτρεπε βάσανον. [43] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ ξύμπασα ἐς φῶς τε ἤδη ἐληλύθει καὶ διαρρήδην ἐν γράμμασιν ἦν, ἅπαντας βασιλεὺς τοὺς ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς ἐν Παλατίῳ ἐκάθισεν, οὗπερ εἰώθασι τὰς ἀμφὶ τοῖς ἀντιλεγομένοις ποιεῖσθαι γνώσεις. [44] οἵπερ ἀναλεξάμενοι ἅπαντα ὅσα τοῖς εὐθυνομένοις δεδιηγῆσθαι τετύχηκεν, οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἐς Γερμανόν τε καὶ Ἰουστῖνον τὸν αὐτοῦ παῖδα τὸ ἔγκλημα ἦγον, ἕως ὁ Γερμανὸς Μαρκέλλου τε καὶ Λεοντίου τὴν μαρτυρίαν παρασχόμενος ἐκλύειν τὴν ὑποψίαν ἔσχεν. [45] αὐτοί τε γὰρ καὶ Κωνσταντιανὸς καὶ Βούζης διώμοτοι ἰσχυρίσαντο μηδ̓ ὁτιοῦν σφᾶς τούτων δὴ ἕνεκα τὸν Γερμανὸν ἀποκρύψασθαι, ἀλλὰ ταύτῃ πάντα ξυνενεχθῆναι ᾗπέρ μοι ἔναγχος δεδιήγηται. [46] οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου εὐθὺς αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀπεψηφίσαντο ἅπαντες ἅτε οὐδὲν εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν ἡμαρτηκότων. [47] Ἐπεὶ δὲ εἴσω πάντες ἐν βασιλέως ἐγένοντο, αὐτὸς μὲν ὀξὺ θυμωθεὶς βασιλεὺς ἠγανάκτει τε καὶ ὑπερφυῶς ἐπὶ τὸν Γερμανὸν ἠγριαίνετο τὴν βραδυτῆτα τῆς δηλώσεως αἰτιώμενος, τῶν τε ἀρχόντων δύο μέν τινες θεραπεύοντες αὐτὸν ὡμολόγουν τὴν γνώμην, καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ δυσφορουμένοις ἐῴκεσαν: ταύτῃ τε τὸν βασιλέως θυμὸν ἐπὶ μέγα ἐξῇρον, ἀλλοτρίας αὐτῷ χαριεῖσθαι συμφορὰς ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχοντες. [48] οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι κατεπτηχότες σιωπῇ εἴχοντο, τῷ μὴ ἀντιστατεῖν ἃ βούλοιτο ἐγχωροῦντες αὐτῷ: Μάρκελλος δὲ μόνος ὀρθοστομήσας διασώσασθαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἴσχυσε. [49] τὴν γὰρ αἰτίαν ἐφ̓ ἑαυτὸν ἕλκων τε καὶ βιαζόμενος δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ Γερμανὸν μὲν οἱ ἐπικαιρότατα ἔφη τὰ πρασσόμενα ἐξειπεῖν, αὐτὸν δὲ περιέργως ἀκριβολογούμενον σχολαιότερον αὐτὰ μεμηνυκέναι. [50] καὶ τὴν βασιλέως ὀργὴν οὕτω κατέπαυσε. μέγα τε ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ κλέος οὗτος ὁ Μάρκελλος περιεβάλετο ἐς πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἅτε ἀρετῆς ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις μεταποιούμενος. [51] βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς παρέλυσε τὸν Ἀρταβάνην ἧς εἶχεν ἀρχῆς, ἄλλο δὲ αὐτὸν εἰργάσατο οὐδὲν ἄχαρι, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τῶν ἄλλων οὐδένα, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ἅπαντας οὐ ξὺν ἀτιμίᾳ ἐν φυλακῇ ἔσχεν, ἐν Παλατίῳ μέντοι, οὐκ ἐν τῷ δημοσίῳ οἰκήματι.