It was at this time that extraordinary earthquakes occurred throughout Greece, both Boeotia and Achaea and the country on the Crisaean Gulf being badly shaken. And countless towns and eight cities were levelled to the ground, among which were Chaeronea and Coronea and Patrae and all of Naupactus, where there was also great loss of life. And the earth was rent asunder in many places and formed chasms. Now some of these openings came together again so that the earth presented the same form and appearance as before, but in other places they remained open, with the consequence that the people in such places are not able to intermingle with each other except by making use of many detours. But in the gulf between Thessaly and Boeotia there was a sudden influx of the sea at the city called Echinus and at Scarphea in Boeotia. And advancing far over the land it deluged the towns there and levelled them immediately. And for a long time the sea thus visited the mainland, so that for a very considerable period it was possible for men on foot to walk to the islands which are inside this gulf, since the water of the sea, obviously, had abandoned its proper place, and, strange to say spread over the land as far as the mountains which rise there. But when the sea returned to its proper place, fish were left on the ground, and since their appearance was altogether unfamiliar to the people of the country, they seemed a kind of prodigy. And thinking them edible they picked them up to boil them, but when the heat of the fire touched them the whole body was reduced to a liquid putrefaction of an unbearable sort. But in that locality where the so-called Cleft is located there was a tremendous earthquake which caused more loss of life than in all the rest of Greece, particularly on account of a certain festival which they happened to be celebrating there and for which many had gathered in that place from all Greece.
In Italy the following took place. The people of Croton and the soldiers who constituted the garrison there, commanded by Palladius, were being very closely besieged by the Goths; and hard pressed as they were by scarcity of provisions, they had many times sent to Sicily without being detected by the enemy, calling to witness the commanders of the Roman army there, especially Artabanes, and saying that, if they did not relieve them at the earliest possible moment, they would, little as they wished it, surrender themselves and the city to the enemy not long thereafter. But no one came from there to assist them. And the winter drew to a close, and the seventeenth year ended in this war, the history of which Procopius has written. [552 A.D.]
Βασιλεὺς δὲ μαθὼν τὰ ἐν Κρότωνι πρασσόμενα πέμψας ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐκέλευε τοὺς ἐν Θερμοπύλαις φρουροὺς ἔς τε τὴν Ἰταλίαν πλεῖν κατὰ τάχος καὶ τοῖς ἐν Κρότωνι πολιορκουμένοις βοηθεῖν δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ. [2] οἱ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν: ἄραντές τε σπουδῇ πολλῇ καὶ πνεύματος ἐπιφόρου ἐπιτυχόντες ἀπροσδόκητοι τῷ Κροτωνιατῶν λιμένι προσέσχον. οἵ τε βάρβαροι ἐξαπιναίως τὸν στόλον ἰδόντες αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐς δέος μέγα ἐμπεπτωκότες θορύβῳ πολλῷ τὴν πολιορκίαν διέλυσαν. [3] καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ μέν τινες ναυσὶν ἐς τὸν Ταραντηνῶν λιμένα διέφυγον, οἱ δὲ πεζῇ ἰόντες ἐς ὄρος τὸ Σκύλαιον ἀνεχώρησαν. ἃ δὴ ξυνενεχθέντα πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐδούλωσε Γότθων τὸ φρόνημα. [4] καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ Ῥάγναρίς τε, Γότθος ἀνὴρ δόκιμος μάλιστα, ὃς τοῦ ἐν Ταραντηνοῖς φυλακτηρίου ἦρχε, καὶ Μόρας, ὅσπερ ἐφειστήκει τοῖς ἐν Ἀχεροντίᾳ φρουροῖς, Πακουρίῳ τῷ Περανίου τῶν ἐν Δρυοῦντι Ῥωμαίων ἄρχοντι, γνώμῃ τῶν σφίσιν ἑπομένων, ἐς λόγους ἦλθον, ἐφ̓ ᾧ δὴ ἀμφὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ τὰ πιστὰ πρὸς Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως λαβόντες Ῥωμαίοις σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐγχειρίσουσι ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις καὶ τὰ ὀχυρώματα ὧνπερ ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ καταστάντες ἐτύγχανον. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ μὲν οὖν τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ Πακούριος ἐπὶ Βυζαντίου κομίζεται. [5] Ναρσῆς δὲ ἐκ Σαλώνων ἄρας ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν τε καὶ Γότθους ᾔει παντὶ τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ, μεγάλῳ ὑπερφυῶς ὄντι: χρήματα γὰρ κεκομισμένος ἐπιεικῶς μεγάλα πρὸς βασιλέως ἐτύγχανεν. [6] ἀφ̓ ὧν δὴ ἔμελλε στρατιάν τε ἀξιολογωτάτην ἀγεῖραι καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐπαρκέσειν τοῦ πολέμου ἀνάγκαις, τοῖς δὲ δὴ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας στρατιώταις ἐκλῦσαι τὰ πρόσθεν ὀφλήματα πάντα, ἐφ̓ οἷσπερ αὐτοῖς ὑπερήμερος χρόνου πολλοῦ βασιλεὺς ἐγεγόνει, οὐ κομιζομένοις ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου, ᾗπερ εἴθισται, τὰς σφίσι τεταγμένας συντάξεις: ἔτι μέντοι καὶ αὐτῶν βιάσασθαι τῶν παρὰ Τουτίλαν ἀπηυτομοληκότων τὰς γνώμας, ὥστε δὴ αὐτοὺς τοῖς χρήμασι τούτοις χειροήθεις γεγενημένους τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ πολιτείᾳ μεταγνῶναι προαίρεσιν. [7] Λίαν γὰρ τὰ πρότερα πόλεμον τόνδε ἀπημελημένως διαφέρων Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἀξιολογωτάτην αὐτοῦ πεποίηται τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐν ὑστάτῳ. [8] ἐπειδὴ γὰρ αὐτόν οἱ ὁ Ναρσῆς ἐγκείμενον εἶδεν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ ἐς Ἰταλίαν στρατεύοι, φιλοτιμίαν ἐνδέδεικται στρατηγῷ πρέπουσαν, οὐκ ἄλλως βασιλεῖ ἐπαγγέλλοντι ὑπηρετήσειν ὁμολογήσας, ἢν μὴ τὰς δυνάμεις ἀξιομάχους ἐπάγεσθαι μέλλῃ. [9] χρήματά τε οὖν καὶ σώματα καὶ ὅπλα τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ ἐπαξίως πρὸς τοῦ βασιλέως κεκόμισται τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς, καὶ προθυμίαν αὐτὸς ἀοκνοτάτην ἐπιδειξάμενος ἀξιόχρεων στρατιὰν ἐξήγειρεν. [10] ἔκ τε γὰρ Βυζαντίου ἐπηγάγετο Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν μέγα τι χρῆμα κἀκ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρίων ἔκ τε Ἰλλυριῶν πολλοὺς ἤθροισε. [11] καὶ Ἰωάννης δὲ ξύν τε τῷ οἰκείῳ στρατεύματι καὶ τῷ πρὸς Γερμανοῦ τοῦ κηδεστοῦ ἀπολελειμμένῳ ξὺν αὐτῷ ᾔει. [12] καὶ Αὐδουίν, ὁ Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἡγούμενος, χρήμασι πολλοῖς ἀναπεισθεὶς Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τῇ τῆς ὁμαιχμίας ξυνθήκῃ, πεντακοσίους τε καὶ δισχιλίους τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων ἀπολεξάμενος ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια ἐς ξυμμαχίαν αὐτῷ ἔπεμψεν, οἷς δὴ καὶ θεραπεία εἵπετο μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν πλέον ἢ τρισχιλίων. [13] εἵποντο δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦ Ἐρούλων ἔθνους πλέον ἢ τρισχίλιοι, ἱππεῖς ἅπαντες, ὧν ἄλλοι τε καὶ Φιλημοὺθ ἦρχον, καὶ Οὖννοί τε παμπληθεῖς καὶ Δαγισθαῖος ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐκ τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου διὰ τοῦτο ἀπαλλαγείς, καὶ Καβάδης, Πέρσας ἔχων αὐτομόλους πολλούς, ὁ Ζάμου μὲν υἱός, Καβάδου δὲ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως υἱωνός, οὗπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔ
μπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην ἅτε τοῦ χαναράγγου σπουδῇ διαφυγόντος τε Χοσρόην τὸν θεῖον καὶ πολλῷ πρότερον ἀφικομένου ἐς τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἤθη: καὶ Ἄσβαδος, νεανίας τις, Γήπαις γένος, διαφερόντως δραστήριος, ὁμογενεῖς τετρακοσίους ξὺν αὑτῷ ἔχων, ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια: καὶ Ἀρούθ, Ἔρουλος μὲν τὸ γένος, ἐκ παιδὸς δὲ Ῥωμαίων τὴν δίαιταν στέρξας καὶ τὴν Μαυρικίου τοῦ Μούνδου γυναῖκα γαμετὴν ποιησάμενος, αὐτός τε μαχιμώτατος ὢν καὶ πολλοὺς τοῦ Ἐρούλων ἔθνους ἑπομένους ἔχων ἐν πολέμου κινδύνοις ὡς μάλιστα δοκιμωτάτους: Ἰωάννης τε, ὁ Φαγᾶς τὴν ἐπίκλησιν, οὗπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην, Ῥωμαίων ἐπαγαγόμενος ὅμιλον ἀνδρῶν μαχίμων. [14] Ἦν οὖν μεγαλοδωρότατος ὁ Ναρσῆς καὶ πρὸς τὸ εὖ ποιεῖν τοὺς δεομένους ὀξὺς ἐσάγαν, δύναμίν τε πολλὴν περιβεβλημένος ἐκ βασιλέως ἀδεέστερον ἐς τὰ σπουδαζόμενα ἐχρῆτο τῇ γνώμῃ. [15] καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ πολλοὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἄρχοντές τε καὶ στρατιῶται εὐεργέτου αὐτοῦ ἔτυχον. [16] ἐπεὶ οὖν ἀποδέδεικτο στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ Τουτίλαν τε καὶ Γότθους, ὡς ἀσμενέστατα ἕκαστοι στρατεύεσθαι ὑπ̓ αὐτῷ ἤθελον, οἱ μὲν ἐκτίνειν οἱ ἐθέλοντες παλαιὰς χάριτας, οἱ δὲ καραδοκοῦντες, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν παῤ αὐτοῦ τεύξεσθαι. [17] μάλιστα δὲ αὐτῷ Ἔρουλοί τε καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι βάρβαροι εὐνοϊκῶς εἶχον, διαφερόντως πρὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου εὖ πεπονθότες. [18] Ἐπειδὴ δὲ Βενετίων ὡς ἀγχοτάτω ἐγένοντο, παρὰ τῶν Φράγγων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, οἳ τῶν ἐκείνῃ φυλακτηρίων ἦρχον, ἄγγελον στείλας ᾐτεῖτο τὴν δίοδον σφίσιν ἅτε φίλοις οὖσι παρέχεσθαι. [19] οἱ δὲ τοῦτο Ναρσῇ ἐπιτρέψειν οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ ἔφασαν, ἐς μὲν τὸ ἐμφανὲς τὴν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἐξενεγκόντες, ἀλλ̓ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα κατακρυψάμενοι, τοῦ Φράγγων ἕνεκα ξυμφόρου ἢ τῆς ἐς τοὺς Γότθους εὐνοίας τὴν κωλύμην ποιεῖσθαι, σκῆψιν δέ τινα οὐ λίαν εὐπρόσωπον δόξασαν εἶναι προβεβλημένοι, ὅτι δὴ Λαγγοβάρδας τοὺς σφίσι πολεμιωτάτους οὗτος ἐπαγόμενος ᾕκει. [20] ἐπὶ τούτοις διαπορουμένῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν τῷ Ναρσῇ καὶ Ἰταλῶν τῶν οἱ παρόντων ἀμφὶ τῷ πρακτέῳ πυνθανομένῳ ἐσήγγλόν τινες ὡς εἰ καὶ Φράγγοι παρήσουσι σφᾶς τήνδε τὴν δίοδον ποιεῖσθαι, ἀλλ̓ ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἐνθένδε κομίζεσθαι οὐδαμῆ ἕξουσιν, οὐδὲ τὴν πορείαν ταύτην ποιεῖσθαι ὅτι μὴ ἄχρι ἐς πόλιν Βερώνην. [21] Τουτίλαν γὰρ ἀπολεξάμενον εἴ τι δόκιμον ἦν ἐν τῷ Γότθων στρατῷ, στρατηγόν τε αὐτοῖς καταστησάμενον Τεΐαν τὸν Γότθον, ἄνδρα διαφερόντως ἀγαθὸν τὰ πολέμια, στεῖλαι ἐς πόλιν Βερώνην Γότθων κατήκοον οὖσαν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ διακωλύοι τὴν πάροδον, ὅσα γε δυνατά. καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως. [22] Ἐπειδή τε ὁ Τεΐας ἐγένετο ἐν πόλει Βερώνῃ, τὴν ἐκείνῃ δίοδον τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπέφραξε πᾶσαν, ἀδιέξοδά τε καὶ ὅλως ἄπορα πανταχόσε ἀμφὶ ποταμὸν Πάδον τὰ χωρία εἶναι ἀνάγκῃ χειροποιήτῳ σκευωρησάμενος, καὶ πὴ μὲν λόχμας τε καὶ τάφρους καὶ φάραγγας τεκτηνάμενος, πὴ δὲ τέλμινάς τε ὡς βαθυτάτας καὶ χώρους τεναγώδεις τινὰς αὐτὸς τῷ Γότθων στρατῷ ἐφύλασσεν ἐς τὸ ἀκριβές, ὡς ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι Ῥωμαίοις, ἤν τι ἀποπειρῶνται τῆς ἐνθένδε ὁδοῦ. [23] ταῦτα δὲ Τουτίλας ἐμηχανᾶτο, οἰόμενος διὰ μὲν τῆς παραλίας κόλπου τοῦ Ἰονίου Ῥωμαίοις μήποτε δυνατὰ ἔσεσθαι τὴν πορείαν ποιεῖσθαι, ἐπεὶ ναυσίποροι ποταμοὶ παμπληθεῖς ἐνταῦθα ἐκβολὰς ἔχοντες ἀπόρευτα παντάπασι παρέχονται εἶναι τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία: ναῦς δὲ αὐτοὺς τοσαύτας τὸ πλῆθος ὡς ἥκιστα ἔχειν, ὥστε δὴ ἀθρόους παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ διαπορθμεύεσθαι τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον, ἢν δέ γε κατ̓ ὀλίγους ναυτίλλωνται, αὐτὸς ἂν τῷ καταλοίπῳ στρατῷ τῶν Γότθων τοὺς ἑκάστοτε ἀποβαίνοντας πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἀναστείλειε. [24] τοιαύτῃ μὲν οὖν γνώμῃ ὅ τε Τουτίλας ἐπήγγελλε ταῦτα καὶ ὁ Τεΐας ἐποίει. Ναρσῇ δὲ λίαν ἀμηχανοῦντι Ἰωαννης ὁ Βιταλιανοῦ, τῶν τῇδε χωρίων ἐμπείρως ἔχων, παρῄνει παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ μὲν κατὰ τὴν παραλίαν ἰέναι, κατηκόων σφίσιν ὄντων, ὡς προδεδήλωται, τῶν τῇδε ἀνθρώπων, παρακολουθεῖν δὲ τῶν νηῶν τινὰς καὶ ἀκάτους πολλάς. [25] ἐπειδὰν γὰρ ὁ στρατὸς ἐπὶ ταῖς τῶν ποταμῶν ἐκβολαῖς γένωνται, γέφυραν ἐκ τῶν ἀκάτων τούτων τῷ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ῥοθίῳ ἐναρμοσάμενοι, ῥᾷον ἂν καὶ ἀπονώτερον ποιήσαιντο τὴν διάβασιν. ὁ μὲν Ἰωάννης ταῦτα παρῄνει, πείθεται δὲ Ναρσῆς, καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ τούτω παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης κομίζεται.
XXVI
But the emperor, learning of the situation at Croton, sent to Greece and ordered the garrison of Thermopylae to sail with all speed to Italy and bring all the assistance in their power to the besieged in Croton. And they acted accordingly, setting sail with great haste; and chancing to find a favouring wind, they put in unexpectedly at the harbour of Croton. And the barbarians, upon seeing the fleet all of a sudden, were plunged immediately into great fear and in wild confusion broke up the siege. Now some of them made their escape by ship to the harbour of Tarentum, while others, going by land, withdrew to Mt. Scylaeum. And this event humbled the spirit of the Goths still more. In consequence of this Ragnaris, a Goth of very great note, who commanded the garrison at Tarentum, and Moras, who commanded the guards in Acherontia, opened negotiations, by the wish of their soldiers, with Pacurius son of Peranius, commander of the Romans in Dryus, and agreed that, on condition they should receive pledges for their safety from the Emperor Justinian, they would surrender themselves with their commands to the Romans together with the strongholds they had been set to guard. In order, then, to confirm this agreement Pacurius journeyed to Byzantium.
Narses now set out from Salones and moved against Totila and the Goths with the whole Roman army, which wa
s an extraordinarily large one; for he had received from the emperor an exceedingly large sum of money, with which he was, first, to gather a very formidable army and meet the other requirements of the war, and, after that, to pay the soldiers in Italy all the money which was due to them from the past; for the emperor had been delinquent in this matter for a long time, since the soldiers were not receiving from the public treasury, as was usual, the pay assigned to them; furthermore, he was to bring pressure to bear also upon those soldiers who had deserted to Totila, so that they would be rendered tractable by this money and reverse their choice of allegiance.
Indeed, though the Emperor Justinian had previously conducted this war very negligently, he made the most notable preparation for it at the last. For when Narses saw that he urgently desired him to lead an expedition against Italy, he displayed an ambition becoming to a general, declaring that on no other condition would he obey the emperor’s command than that he should take with him forces sufficient to the purpose. So by taking this position he obtained from the emperor money and men and arms in quantities worthy of the Roman empire, and he himself displayed a most tireless enthusiasm and so collected an adequate army. For he not only took with him a great number of Roman soldiers from Byzantium, but he also collected many from the lands of Thrace and Illyricum. And John, too, with his own army and that left by his father-in-law Germanus, accompanied him. Moreover, Auduin, ruler of the Lombards, having been won over by the Emperor Justinian by the use of much money and in accordance with the treaty of alliance, selected twenty-five hundred of his followers who were capable warriors and sent them to fight with the Romans; and these were also attended by more than three thousand fighting men as servants. And he also had with him more than three thousand of the Erulian nation, all horsemen, commanded by Philemuth and others, besides great numbers of Huns. Dagisthaeus too was there with his followers, having been released from prison for this purpose, also Cabades, with many Persian deserters (this man was son of Zames and grandson of Cabades the Persian king, and has been mentioned in the previous narrative as having escaped from his uncle Chosroes by the efforts of the “chanaranges” and having come long before to the land of the Romans). There was also Asbadus, a young man of the race of the Gepaedes and an especially active man having with him four hundred men of his race who were capable warriors. Besides these there was Aruth of the nation of the Eruli, who from boyhood had admired Roman ways and had made the daughter of Mauricius son of Mundus his married wife, being himself a most valiant fighter, and bringing with him a large number of Eruli who were especially distinguished in the perils of war. Finally there was John surnamed the Glutton, whom I have mentioned in the preceding narrative, bringing a large force of able Roman soldiers.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 532