Narses, for his part, was a man of princely generosity and extraordinarily eager to help those who needed it, and being clothed with great power by the emperor he exercised his judgment the more freely regarding those matters in which he was interested. Consequently many commanders and soldiers as well had in former times experienced his generosity. Naturally, then, when he was appointed General against Totila and the Goths, each and every one desired most eagerly to serve under him, some wishing to repay him for old favours, and others probably expecting, as was natural, to receive great gifts from his hand. But the Eruli and the other barbarians were particularly well disposed towards him, having been especially well treated by him.
When they had reached a point very close to Venetia, he sent a messenger to the rulers of the Franks who commanded the fortresses there, demanding that they allow his army free passage, as being friends. But they said that they would by no means concede this to Narses, not openly revealing the real reason, but with all possible care concealing the fact that it was in the interest of the Franks or because of their good-will toward the Goths that they were barring his passage, and putting forward a kind of pretext which did not appear very plausible, by saying that he came bringing with him Lombards who were their bitterest enemies. Narses was at first puzzled by this and enquired of the Italians who were with him what should be done, but some men brought the news that, even if the Franks permitted them to pass through this country, they would still be utterly unable to get on from there to Ravenna, nor could he march that way any farther than the city of Verona. For Totila, they reported, had gathered whatever was notable in the Gothic army, and appointing as General over them Teïas the Goth, a conspicuously able warrior, had sent him to the city of Verona, which was subject to the Goths, for the purpose of preventing, as far as in him lay, the Roman army from passing by. This was in fact the case.
By the time Teïas entered the city of Verona, he had shut off entirely the road by which his enemy must pass, having by artificial means made the land which borders the Po River such that it was altogether out of the question to travel in it or through it; for he had in some places constructed brush entanglements and ditches and gullies, in others sloughs of the greatest depth and certain expanses of swampy ground, while he himself with the Gothic army was maintaining close guard so as to engage with the Romans if they should make any attempt to pass by that road. Now Totila had devised these things with the idea that the Romans would never be able, on the one hand, to make the inarch along the coast of the Ionian Gulf, for a great number of navigable rivers have their mouths there and make the route entirely impassable; and, on the other hand, he thought that they certainly did not have ships in such numbers as to ferry the whole army in a body across the Ionian Gulf, while if they should sail in small groups, he himself with the remainder of the Gothic army would with no trouble stop the disembarkation on each occasion. Such was the purpose of Totila in giving these orders, which were being duly executed by Teias.
Narses thus found himself completely bewildered, but John, the nephew of Vitalian, being familiar with these regions, advised him to proceed with the whole army along the coast, the inhabitants of this district, as previously stated, being subject to them, while some of the ships and a large number of small boats accompanied them. For whenever they should come to the mouth of a river, they would throw a bridge of these boats across the river’s current, and thus render the crossing comparatively easy. Such was the advice of John, and Narses was persuaded, and in this way made the journey to Ravenna with the whole army.
Ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῇδε, ἐν τούτῳ τάδε ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. Ἰλδιγισὰλ Λαγγοβάρδας ἀνήρ, οὗπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην ἅτε τοῦ Αὐδουὶν ὄντος ἐχθροῦ, ὃς τούτων δὴ τῶν βαρβάρων ἡγεῖτο ῾αὐτῷ γὰρ τὴν ἀρχὴν κατὰ γένος προσήκουσαν Αὐδουὶν βιασάμενος ἔσχεν̓ ἐξ ἠθῶν ἀποδρὰς τῶν πατρίων ἐπὶ Βυζαντίου κομίζεται. [2] οὗ δὴ αὐτὸν ἀφικόμενον Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φιλοφροσύνης ἠξίωσεν, ἄρχοντά τε κατεστήσατο ἑνὸς τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ Παλατίου φυλακῆς τεταγμένων λόχων, οὕσπερ σχολὰς ὀνομάζουσιν. [3] εἵποντο δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἔθνους ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ τὰ πολέμια οὐχ ἥσσους ἢ τριακόσιοι, οἳ δὴ μίαν πρῶτον ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης δίαιταν εἶχον. [4] τὸν Ἰλδιγισὰλ οὖν Αὐδουὶν μὲν πρὸς βασιλέως Ἰουστινιανοῦ ἐξῃτεῖτο ἅτε φίλος τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ ξύμμαχος ὤν, μισθὸν τῆς φιλίας τὴν προδοσίαν αὐτῷ τοῦ ἱκέτου εἰσπραττόμενος, ὁ δὲ τρόπῳ οὐδενὶ ἐδίδου. [5] Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἰλδιγισάλ, ἐνδεέστερον ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων δόξαν ἐπικαλῶν οἱ αὐτῷ τήν τε τιμὴν καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια εἶναι, δυσφορουμένῳ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐῴκει. ὃ δὴ Γόαρ κατενόησε, Γότθος ἀνήρ, πάλαι τε δορυάλωτος ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ ἐκ Δαλματίας ἐνταῦθα ἥκων, ἡνίκα τὸν πόλεμον Οὐίττιγις ὁ Γότθων βασιλεὺς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους διέφερε: [6] θυμοειδὴς δὲ ὢν καὶ δραστήριος ἄγαν πρὸς τύχην τὴν παροῦσαν ζυγομαχῶν διαγέγονεν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ Γότθοι μετὰ τὴν Οὐιττίγιδος ἐπικράτησιν ἐς ἀπόστασιν εἶδον, βασιλεῖ ὅπλα ἀντάραντες, κακουργῶν ἐπὶ τῇ πολιτείᾳ διαφανῶς ἥλω. φυγῇ δὲ ζημιωθεὶς τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐς τὴν Ἀντινόου κομίζεται, καὶ χρόνος αὐτῷ πολὺς ἐν τῇ ποινῇ ταύτῃ ἐτρίβη. [7] ἀλλ̓ ὕστερον οἰκτισάμενος βασιλεὺς κατήγαγεν ἐς Βυζάντιον. οὗτος ὁ Γόαρ τὸν Ἰλδιγισὰλ ἰδὼν ἀσχάλλοντα, ᾗπέρ μοι εἴρηται, ἐνδελεχέστατα νουθετῶν ἀναπείθει δρασμῷ χρήσασθαι, ξὺν αὐτῷ ὁμολογήσας ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι. [8] ἐπειδὴ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἡ βουλὴ ἤρεσκε, φεύγουσι μὲν ἐξαπιναίως ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισίν, ἐς δὲ Ἄπρων ἀφικόμενοι τὴν Θρᾳκῶν πόλιν ἀναμίγνυνται Λαγγοβάρδαις τοῖς τῇδε οὖσι. τοῖς τε βασιλικοῖς ἱπποφορβίοις κατατυχόντες μέγα τι χρῆμα ἵππων ἐνθένδε ἐπαγόμενοι πρόσω ἐχώρουν. [9] Ὧνπερ ἐπειδὴ βασιλεὺς ᾔσθετο, ἔς τε Θρᾴκην ὅλην καὶ Ἰλλυριοὺς στείλας ἄρχουσί τε πᾶσι καὶ στρατιώταις ἐπέστελλε τοῖς δραπέταις τούτοις σθένει παντὶ ὑπαντιάσαι. [10] καὶ πρῶτα μὲν Οὔννων τῶν Κουτριγούρων καλουμένων ὀλίγοι τινὲς ῾οἳ δὴ ἐξ ἠθῶν τῶν πατρίων ἐξαναστάντες, ᾗπέρ μοι οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν δεδιήγηται, δόντος βασιλέως ἐπὶ τῆς Θρᾴκης ἱδρύσαντὀ τοῖς φεύγουσι τούτοις ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον. [11] ἡσσηθέντες δὲ μάχῃ τινὲς μὲν πίπτουσιν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τραπόμενοι οὐκέτι ἐδίωκον, ἀλλ̓ αὐτοῦ ἔμενον. οὕτω τε Θρᾴκην ὅλην διεληλύθασιν Ἰλδιγισάλ τε καὶ Γόα�
� ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις, οὐδενὸς ἐνοχλοῦντος. [12] ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς δὲ γενόμενοι Ῥωμαίων στρατὸν εὗρον ἐπὶ τῷ σφῶν πονηρῷ ξὺν ἐπιμελείᾳ ξυνειλεγμένον. [13] τοῦ δὲ στρατοῦ τούτου ἄλλοι τέ τινες καὶ Ἀράτιός τε καὶ Ῥεκίθαγγος καὶ Λεωνιανὸς καὶ Ἀριμοὺθ ἦρχον, οἳ δὴ ἐτύγχανον τὴν ἡμέραν ἱππεύσαντες ὅλην. [14] ἔς τε χῶρον ὑλώδη ἀφικόμενοι περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς ἔστησαν, ὡς αὐλισόμενοί τε καὶ διανυκτερεύσοντες ἐνταῦθα τὴν νύκτα ἐκείνην. [15] τοῖς μὲν οὖν στρατιώταις ἐπέστελλον οἱ ἄρχοντες οὗτοι τά τε ἄλλα καὶ ἵππων τῶν σφετέρων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι καὶ παρὰ τὸν ταύτῃ ῥέοντα ποταμὸν αὑτοὺς ἀναψύχειν, παρηγοροῦντας τὸν τῆς ὁδοῦ κόπον. [16] αὐτοί τε κατὰ τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας ἕκαστος δορυφόρους ἐπαγόμενοι ἀποκεκρυμμένως τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἔπινον: δίψει γάρ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, χαλεπῇ εἴχοντο. [17] οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Γόαρ καὶ Ἰλδιγισὰλ ἀγχοῦ που ὄντες καὶ σκοποὺς πέμψαντες ταῦτα ἔγνωσαν. ἀπροσδόκητοί τε πίνουσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπιστάντες ἅπαντας ἔκτειναν, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἀδεέστερον σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τὰ ἐς τὴν πορείαν ᾗπερ ἐβούλοντο διῳκήσαντο. [18] ἄναρχοι γὰρ οἱ στρατιῶται γενόμενοι διηποροῦντό τε καὶ παντάπασιν ἀμηχανοῦντες ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνον. Γόαρ μὲν οὖν καὶ Ἰλδιγισὰλ οὕτω διαφυγόντες ἐς Γήπαιδας ἦλθον. [19] Ἐτύγχανε δὲ καί τις ἐκ Γηπαίδων, Οὐστρίγοτθος ὄνομα, ἐς Λαγγοβάρδας φυγὼν τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. Ἐλεμοῦνδος μὲν ὁ Γηπαίδων γεγονὼς βασιλεὺς οὐ πολλῷ ἔμπροσθεν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο νόσῳ, τούτου δή οἱ μόνου τοῦ Οὐστριγότθου ἀπολελειμμένου παιδός, ὅνπερ ὁ Θορισὶν βιασάμενος ῾μειράκιον γὰρ ἦν ἔτἰ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔσχε. [20] διὸ δὴ ὁ παῖς οὐκ ἔχων τὸν ἠδικηκότα καθ̓ ὅ τι ἀμύνηται, ἐξ ἠθῶν ἀναστὰς τῶν πατρίων ἐς Λαγγοβάρδας Γήπαισι πολεμίους ὄντας ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο. [21] ἐγένοντο δὲ Γήπαισιν ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον πρός τε βασιλέα Ἰουστινιανὸν καὶ τὸ Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἔθνος διαλλαγαί, ὁρκίοις τε ἀλλήλους δεινοτάτοις κατέλαβον ἦ μὴν τὸ λοιπὸν φιλίαν τὴν ἐς ἀλλήλους ἀπέραντον διασώσασθαι. [22] ἐπειδή τε αὐτοῖς τὰ ἐς τὰς διαλλαγὰς βεβαιότατα ξυνετελέσθη, βασιλεύς τε Ἰουστινιανὸς καὶ Αὐδουὶν ὁ τῶν Λαγγοβαρδῶν ἡγούμενος παρὰ Θορισὶν τὸν Γηπαίδων ἄρχοντα πέμψαντες τὸν Ἰλδιγισὰλ ἅτε κοινὸν ἐχθρὸν ἐξῃτοῦντο, τὴν ἐς τὸν ἱκέτην τὸν αὐτοῦ προδοσίαν δεόμενοι δήλωσιν τῆς ἐς αὐτοὺς φιλίας ποιήσασθαι πρώτην. [23] Καὶ ὃς τοῖς Γηπαίδων λογίοις κοινολογησάμενος τὰ παρόντα σπουδῇ ἀνεπυνθάνετο εἰ ποιητέα οἱ τὰ πρὸς τοῖν βασιλέοιν αἰτ̣̣̔̓μενα εἴη. [24] οἱ δὲ ἄντικρυς μὴ ποιήσειν ἀπεῖπον, κρεῖσσον ἀπισχυρισάμενοι εἶναι Γηπαίδων τῷ ἔθνει αὐταῖς τε γυναιξὶ καὶ γόνῳ παντὶ διολωλέναι αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἢ ἀνοσίοις ἐπ̓ ἀσεβήματι γενέσθαι τοιούτῳ. [25] ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Θορισὶν ἐς ἀμηχανίαν ἐξέπιπτεν. οὔτε γὰρ ἀκουσίων τῶν ἀρχομένων ἐπιτελέσαι τὸ ἔργον εἶχεν οὔτε ἀνακυκλεῖν πόλεμον, πόνῳ τε καὶ χρόνῳ πεπαυμένον πολλῷ, πρός τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ Λαγγοβάρδας ἔτι ἤθελεν. ὕστερον μέντοι ἐπενόει τάδε. [26] πέμψας παρὰ τὸν Αὐδουὶν ἐξῃτεῖτο τὸν Ἐλεμούνδου υἱὸν Οὐστρίγοτθον, ἐπὶ τὴν ὁμοίαν αὐτῷ ἁμαρτάδα ὁρμῶν, τῶν τε ἱκετῶν ἀνταλλάσσεσθαι τὴν προδοσίαν παρακαλῶν. [27] τῇ γὰρ τῆς ἐμφεροῦς ἀτοπίας ὀκνήσει τὴν ἐπίταξιν αὐτῶν ἀναχαιτίσειν ἐλπίδα εἶχεν, ἀλλ Ἄὐδουὶν αὐτὸν μηδεμιᾷ μελλήσει τῇ παρανομίᾳ καὶ ὁμολογίᾳ λήψεσθαι. [28] τούτων τε αὐτοῖς δεδογμένων ἐξεπιστάμενοι ὡς οὔτε Λαγγοβάρδαι οὔτε Γήπαιδες ἐθέλουσι τοῦ μιάσματος μεταλαχεῖν σφίσιν, ἐς μὲν τὸ ἐμφανὲς οὐδὲν ἔδρασαν, ἑκάτερος δὲ δόλῳ τὸν θατέρου ἐχθρὸν ἔκτεινεν. [29] ὅντινα μέντοι τρόπον, ἀφίημι λέγειν: οὐ γὰρ ὁμολογοῦσιν ἀλλήλοις οἱ ἀμφ̓ αὐτοῖν λόγοι, ἀλλὰ κατὰ πολὺ διαλλάσσουσιν οἷά γε τῶν πραγμάτων τὰ λαθραιότατα. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ Ἰλδιγισὰλ καὶ Οὐστρίγοτθον ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα.
XXVII
While these things were going on as described, the following took place. Ildigisal the Lombard has been mentioned in the preceding narrative as a personal enemy of Auduin, who was the ruler of these barbarians (indeed the kingship belonged to this man by birth, but Auduin had taken it from him by violent means); he now escaped from his native land and set out for Byzantium. And when he arrived there the Emperor Justinian treated him with very particular consideration and appointed him commander of one of the companies of guards assigned to the palace, which they call “scholae.” And he was followed by no fewer than three hundred able warriors of the Lombard nation, who at first lived together in Thrace. Auduin accordingly demanded Ildigisal from the Emperor Justinian on the ground that he was a friend and ally of the Romans, claiming as payment for his friendship the betrayal of the suppliant to him. But Justinian refused absolutely to give him up.
Later on, however, Ildigisal began to make the complaint that both his rank and his maintenance were not commensurate with his worth and the good name of the Romans and appeared to be exceedingly dissatisfied. Now this was observed by Goar, a Goth, who had long ago come there from Dalmatia as a captive taken in this war, at the time when Vittigis, king of the Goths, was carrying on the war against the Romans; and being an impetuous and exceedingly active fellow, he was in constant rebellion against the fate which was upon him. But when the Goths, after the overthrow of Vittigis, planned a revolution and took up arms against the emperor, he was clearly caught working against the state. And being condemned to exile, he proceeded to the city of Antinous in Egypt, where he spent a long time under this punishment. But later the emperor, moved by pity, brought him back to Byzantium. This Goar, then, seeing Ildigisal in a state of discontent, as I have said, kept after him without interruption and tried to persuade him to take to flight, promising that he would leave Byzantium with him. And since this plan pleased them, they fled suddenly with only a few followers, and upon reaching the Thracian city of Apri, they joined forces with the Lombards who were there. Next they came by ch
ance upon the imperial horse pastures and took from them a great number of horses, which they took with them as they proceeded.
But when the emperor learned of this, he sent into all Thrace and Illyricum and instructed all commanders and soldiers to use every means in their power to check these runaways. And first of all a small number of the Huns called Cutrigurs (men who had migrated from their ancestral abodes, as I have stated not long since, and settled in Thrace with the emperor’s permission) came to an engagement with these fugitives. But they were defeated in battle and some of them fell, while the rest were routed and did not continue the pursuit, but remained where they were. Thus Ildigisal and Goar with their followers passed through the whole of Thrace, not molested by anyone. But upon reaching Illyricum they found a Roman army carefully gathered to oppose them. Now’ this army was commanded by Aratius, Rhecithangus, Leonianus, Arimuth, and others, all of whom happened to have been riding the whole day. And upon reaching a wooded place about nightfall they had stopped, intending to bivouac and so pass the night there. So these commanders gave their soldiers the usual orders, instructing them to care for their horses and to refresh themselves beside the river which flowed by, thus repairing the fatigue of the journey. They themselves meanwhile took with them three or four bodyguards each and in a concealed place began to drink from the river; for they were naturally suffering from severe thirst. But the men of Goar and Ildigisal who were near by had sent out scouts and found this out. So falling unexpectedly upon them as they drank they slew every man of them, and thereafter they conducted their march as they pleased without further fear. For the soldiers, finding themselves without commanders, fell into a state of perplexity, and being completely at a loss began to withdraw. So Goar and Ildigisal made their escape in this way and came to the Gepaedes.
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius Page 533