Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  [18] σύμβολα μέντοι αὐτῶν πρὸς τοῦ Ῥωμαίων βασιλέως ἐδέχοντο μόνον. ἄξιον δὲ τὰ σύμβολα ταῦτα δηλῶσαι λόγῳ, ἐπεὶ οὐκέτι ἐς ἀνθρώπου ὄψιν ἀφίξεται.

  [18] However, they received the symbols of office only from the Roman Emperor. It is worth while to describe these insignia, for they will never again be seen by man.

  [19] χλαμὺς ἡ ἐξ ἐρίων πεποιημένη, οὐχ οἷα τῶν προβατίων ἐκπέφυκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ θαλάσσης συνειλεγμένων.

  [19] There is a cloak made of wool, not such as is produced by sheep, but gathered from the sea.

  [20] πίννους τὰ ζῷα καλεῖν νενομίκασιν, ἐν οἷς ἡ τῶν ἐρίων ἔκφυσις γίνεται. χρυσῷ δὲ ἡ τῆς πορφύρας ]κατηλήλειπτο μοῖρα, ἐφ᾽ ἧς εἴωθεν ἡ τῆς ἁλουργίδος ἐμβολὴ γίνεσθαι.

  [20] Pinnos the creature is called on which this wool grows. And the part where the purple should have been, that is, where the insertion of purple cloth is usually made, is overlaid with gold.

  [21] περόνη χρύσῃ τῇ χλαμύδι ἐπέκειτο, λίθον ἐπὶ μέσης περιφράττουσά τινα ἔντιμον, ἀφ᾽ οὗ δὴ ὑάκινθοι τρεῖς χρυσαῖς τε καὶ χαλαραῖς ταῖς ἁλύσεσιν ἀπεκρέμαντο.

  [21] The cloak was fastened by a golden brooch in the middle of which was a precious stone from which hung three sapphires by loose golden chains.

  [22] χιτὼν ἐκ μετάξης ἐγκαλλωπίσμασι χρυσοῖς πανταχόθεν ὡραϊσμένος ἃ δὴ νενομίκασι πλούμια καλεῖν.

  [22] There was a tunic of silk adorned in every part with decorations of gold which they are wont to call plumia.

  [23] ὑποδήματα μέχρι ἐς γόνυ φοινικοῦ χρώματος, ἃ δὴ βασιλέα μόνον Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν ὑποδεῖσθαι θέμις.

  [23] The boots were of red colour and reached to the knee, of the sort which only the Roman Emperor and the Persian King are permitted to wear.

  [24] Στρατιώτης δὲ Ῥωμαῖος οὔτε τῷ Ἀρμενίων βασιλεῖ οὔτε σατράπαις ἤμυνε πώποτε, ἀλλὰ τὰ πολέμια κατὰ μόνας αὐτοὶ διῳκοῦντο.

  [24] Roman soldiers, however, never fought under the orders of the king of the Armenians or of the satraps, but these rulers conducted their wars independently.

  [25] χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἐπὶ Ζήνωνος βασιλεύοντος Ἰλλοῦ τε καὶ Λεοντίῳ τετυραννηκόσιν ἐπὶ βασιλέα διαφανῶς συντάσσεσθαί τινες τῶν σατραπῶν ἔγνωσαν.

  [25] But at a later time, during the reign of Zeno, some of the satraps decided to array themselves openly with Illus and Leontius, who had revolted against the Emperor.

  [26] διὸ δὴ Λεόντιόν τε καὶ Ἰλλοῦν Ζήνων βασιλεὺς ὑποχειρίους πεποιημένος, σατράπην μὲν ἕνα φαυλοτάτην ἀρχὴν ἔχοντα καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα λόγου ἀξίαν ἐν χώρᾳ τῇ Βελαβιτίνῃ καλουμένῃ ἐπὶ τοῦ προτέρου σχήματος εἴασε, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς καθελὼν ἅπαντας οὐκέτι ἐς τοὺς κατὰ γένος σφίσι προσήκοντας ξυνεχώρησε τὰς ἀρχὰς φέρεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἑτέρους ἀεὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν διαδέχεσθαι διώρισε ταύτην, οὓς ἂν βουλομένῳ βασιλεῖ εἴη, ὥσπερ ἐφ᾽ ἁπάσαις ταῖς ἄλλαις διώρισται Ῥωμαίων ἀρχαῖς.

  [26] Consequently, when the Emperor had reduced Leontius and Illus to subjection, he left in the former status only one satrap, who held a very inferior province which was not of any importance, in the region called Belabitinê; all the others he removed and no longer permitted them to transmit the office to those connected with them by kinship, but he ordained that on each occasion different men of the Emperor’s choosing should succeed to these offices, just as is the rule in all the other offices of the Romans.

  [27] στρατιῶται μέντοι οὐδ᾽ ὡς Ῥωμαῖοι αὐτοῖς εἵποντο, ἀλλὰ τῶν Ἀρμενίων τινές, ]ᾗπερ τὰ πρότερα εἴθιστο, καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολεμίους προσβάλλοντας ἀποκρούεσθαι ἀδύνατοι ἦσαν.

  [27] Even so, these officials were not in command of Roman soldiers, but only of a few Armenians, as had been customary previously, with the result that they were unable to repel the attacks of an enemy.

  [28] ἃ δὴ καταμαθὼν Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς τὸ μὲν τῶν σατραπῶν ὄνομα ἐξήλασεν ἐνθένδε εὐθύς, δοῦκας δὲ τοὺς καλουμένους δύο τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἐπέστησε τούτοις·

  [28] And when this came to the knowledge of the Emperor Justinian, he immediately did away with the title of Satrap and appointed over these provinces two Dukes, as they are called;

  [29] οἷς δὴ ξυνεστήσατο μὲν Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν καταλόγους παμπληθεῖς, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ξυμφυλάξουσιν αὐτοῖς ὅρια· ὀχυρώματα δὲ δεδημιούργηκεν αὐτοῖς κατὰ τάδε.

  [29] and he put under them a very large force of regular Roman troops to assist them in guarding the Roman frontier. He also built strongholds for them as follows.

  [2]

  [2] [1] Ἄρξομαι δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ χωρίων, ὅπως δὴ ὁ λόγος τοῖς ἔμπροσθέν μοι δεδιηγημένοις προσεχῶς ἄγοιτο. τὸν μὲν οὖν ἕνα, τὸν ἐν τοῖς Ἀρμενίων ἔθνεσιν ἄρχοντα, ὃν δοῦκα καλοῦσιν, ἐν πόλει Μαρτυροπόλει καλουμένῃ ἱδρύσατο, τὸν δὲ δὴ ἕτερον ἐν φρουρίῳ ὅπερ Κιθαρίζων καλοῦσιν.

  [1] I shall start from the places in Mesopotamia, so that my account may proceed in order from the points which I have described previously. One of the rulers of the Armenian provinces, whom they call Duke, he established in the city called Martyropolis, and the other in a stronghold which they call Citharizôn.

  [2] ὅπη ποτὲ δὲ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς τὰ χωρία τάδε ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, ἐγὼ δηλώσω. ἐν Ἀρμενίᾳ τῇ Σοφανηνῇ καλουμένῃ πόλις ἐστί που Μαρτυρόπολις ὄνομα παρ᾽ αὑτὸν ποταμὸν Νύμφιον κειμένη καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ὡς ἀγχοτάτω πρόσοικος οὖσα, ἐπεὶ ὁ Νυμφίος ποταμὸς διορίζει ἐνταῦθα τὰ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν ἤθη.

  [2] And I shall make clear just where in the Roman Empire these places actually are. In the part of Armenia called Sophanenê there is a certain city known as Martyropolis which lies on the very bank of the Nymphius River, quite close to the enemy, because the Nymphius River at that point divides the Roman from the Persian territory.

  [3] ἐπὶ θάτερα γὰρ τοῦ ποταμοῦ Ἀρξανηνὴ ἡ χώρα οἰκεῖται Περσῶν κατήκοος ἐκ παλαιοῦ οὖσα. ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς ἡ πόλις ἀπημελημένη Ῥωμαίοις τούτοις δὴ ἀεὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀπέκειτο.

  [3] For across the river lies the territory of Arxanenê, which has been subject to the Persians from early times. Even so the city had been neglected by the Romans and lay always expos
ed to these barbarians.

  [4] ὥστε ἀμέλει Καβάδης ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ Ἀναστασίου βασιλεύοντος ἐσέβαλε Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν, διὰ Μαρτυροπόλεως τὸ ]στράτευμα ἀγὼν, ἐπεὶ Ἀμίδης ὀλίγῳ πλέον ἡμέρας ὁδῷ εὐζώνῳ διειστήκει.

  [4] In consequence of this, indeed, Cabades, King of the Persians, invaded the Roman territory during the reign of Anastasius, directing his march by way of Martyropolis, since it lay a little more than a one-day’s journey from Amida for an unencumbered traveller.

  [5] ὥσπερ δέ τι πάρεργον ὁδοῦ διαχειρίζων καὶ τῆς ἐφόδου παρενθήκην τινὰ εὐθυωρὸν τὴν πόλιν ἐξεῖλεν, οὐ τειχομαχήσας ἢ προσβολήν τινα ἢ προσεδρείαν πεποιημένος, ἀλλὰ δηλώσας ὅτι δὴ ἀφίξεται μόνον.

  [5] And as if he were still dealing with some minor detail of his journey, an incidental task of his campaign, he captured this city out of hand, not by storming the wall or by making any kind of assault or siege, but simply by sending an announcement that he would arrive.

  [6] εὖ γὰρ εἰδότες οἱ τῇδε ᾠκημένοι ὡς οὐδὲ βραχεῖάν τινα χρόνου στιγμὴν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἀνθέξουσιν, ἐπειδὴ ἀγχοῦ τῶν Μήδων στρατὸν ἥκοντα εἶδον, ἅμα Θεοδώρῳ τηνικάδε Σοφανηνῆς σατραπεύοντι καὶ τῆς σατραπείας ἐνδιδυσκομένῳ τὸ σχῆμα, Καβάδῃ προσῆλθον εὐθύς, σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ Μαρτυρόπολιν αὐτῷ ἐνδιδόντες, φορούς τε τοὺς δημοσίους ἐνιαυτοῖν δυοῖν ἐν χερσῖν ἔχοντες.

  [6] For the inhabitants of the city, knowing well that they would not be able to hold out even for one short moment against the attacking force, when they learned that the army of the Medes had arrived close by, immediately approached Cabades in company with Theodorus, who at that time was Satrap of Sophanenê, clothed in his robes of office, and placed themselves and Martyropolis at his disposal, bearing in their hands the public taxes of two years.

  [7] οἷς δὴ ὁ Καβάδης ἡσθεὶς τῆς μὲν πόλεώς τε καὶ χώρας ἁπάσης, ὡς τῇ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ προσηκούσης, ἀπέσχετο, τοὺς δὲ ἀνθρώπους ἀθῴους ἀφῆκεν, οὔτε τι λυμηνάμενος οὔτε τι τῆς πολιτείας μεταβαλών, ἀλλὰ Θεόδωρον αὐτὸν σατράπην αὐτοῖς ἐπιστήσας καὶ αὐτῷ ἅτε οὐ γεγονότι ἀγνώμονι τὰ σύμβολα ἐγκεχειρικὼς τῆς ἀρχῆς, ὡς τὴν χώραν φυλάξοντι Πέρσαις.

  [7] And Cabades was pleased with this and withheld his hand from the city and from the whole district, as belonging to the Persian Kingdom, and he let the people go unharmed, neither inflicting any damage nor changing the form of the government, but he appointed Theodorus himself their Satrap, entrusting to him, since he had shewn himself not indiscreet, the tokens of the office, with the intention that he watch over the land for the Persians.

  [8] οὕτω τε τὸ στράτευμα πρόσω ἀπαγαγὼν πολιορκίᾳ τε Ἄμιδαν ἐξελὼν ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη ἀπήλαυνεν, ᾗπερ ἐν λόγοις μοι τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν πολέμων ἐρρήθη.

  [8] Then he led his army forward, captured Amida by siege, and marched back into the land of Persia, as I have related in the Books on the Wars.

  [9] βασιλεύς τε Ἀναστάσιος ἐξεπιστάμενος ὡς οὐχ οἷόν τε ἦν Μαρτυρόπολιν ὀχύρωμα οὐδὲν ἔχουσαν ἐκ πολεμίων διασώσασθαι προσβολῆς, οὐχ ὅπως ἐπὶ Θεόδωρόν τε καὶ Σοφανηνοὺς ἠγανάκτησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ χάριτας αὐτοῖς τῆς πράξεως ἔχειν ὡμολόγει πολλάς. ]

  [9] And the Emperor Anastasius, understanding that it was not possible to defend Martyropolis from hostile assault, since it had no defences, not only shewed no resentment against Theodorus and the people of Sophanenê, but actually expressed deep gratitude to them for their action.

  [10] ταύτης οὖν τῆς Μαρτυροπόλεως τοῦ περιβόλου ἐτύγχανε τὸ μὲν πάχος διῆκον ἐς πόδας μάλιστα τέσσαρας, τὸ δὲ ὕψος ἄχρι ἐς εἴκοσιν· ὥστε τοῖς πολεμίοις αὐτὸν οὐ τειχομαχοῦσιν οὐδὲ μηχανὰς προσβάλλουσι μόνον εὐέφοδον εἶναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐσπηδῆσαι ἱκανῶς πρόχειρον.

  [10] Indeed the circuit-wall of this Martyropolis was really •about four feet in thickness, while it was only •twenty feet high. In consequence, the wall could not only be easily assaulted by the enemy if they stormed it or brought up their siege engines, but it was quite easy for them simply to scramble over it.

  [11] Διὸ δὴ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἐπενόει τάδε· τοῦ περιβόλου ἐκτὸς τὴν γῆν διορύξας, θεμέλιά τε ταύτῃ ἐνθέμενος τείχισμα ᾠκοδομήσατο ἕτερον ἐς ποδῶν πάχος διῆκον τεττάρων, χώραν διαλιπὼν μεταξὺ τεττάρων ἑτέρων τὸ εὖρος, ἐς ὕψος δὲ καὶ τοῦτο ἀναστήσας ποδῶν εἴκοσιν, ἴσον τῷ προτέρῳ παντάπασιν ἐσκευάσατο εἶναι.

  [11] Therefore the Emperor Justinian devised the following plan: Outside the circuit-wall he dug a trench, and laying foundations there he built a second wall with a thickness of four feet, leaving a space of four feet between the two walls; and he raised the new wall also to a height of twenty feet and made it in all respects equal to the first.

  [12] μετὰ δὲ λίθους τε καὶ τίτανον ἐς χῶρον τὸν μεταξὺ τείχους ἑκατέρου ἐμβεβλημένος ἐς μίαν τινὰ οἰκοδομίαν δυοκαίδεκα τὸ πάχος ποδῶν τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἀποτετόρνευται.

  [12] Then, by throwing stones and mortar into the space between the two walls, he brought this work to perfection by forming one solid structure with a thickness of •twelve feet.

  [13] ὕπερθέν τε κατὰ πάχος τὸ αὐτὸ μάλιστα ἐς ὕψος τοσοῦτον ἐντέθεικεν, ὅσον ξυνέβαινε τὸ πρότερον εἶναι.

  [13] Above this he added, in about the same thickness, the same height which the earlier wall had had.

  [14] ἀλλὰ καὶ προτείχισμα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἁπλῶς ἅπαντα οἷς δὴ πόλεως ὀχύρωμα διασώζεται.

  [14] He also constructed admirable outworks for the city and all the other things without exception on which a city’s defences are based.

  [3]

  [3] [1] Ἐκ δὲ Μαρτυροπόλεως ἐς δύοντά που τὸν ἥλιον ἰόντι χωρίον ἐστὶ Φεισὼν ὄνομα ἐν Ἀρμενίᾳ μὲν καὶ αὐτὸ κείμενον τῇ Σοφανηνῇ καλουμένῃ, Μαρτυροπόλεως δὲ ὀλίγον ἔλασσον ἢ ὁδῷ ἡμέρας διέχον.

  [1] As one goes westerly from Martyropolis, there is a place called Pheisôn, which is also situated in Armenia, in the section called Sophanenê, a little less than a day’s journey distant from Martyropolis.

  [2] τούτου δὲ τοῦ χωρίου ἐπέκεινα, ὅσον ἐκ σημείων ὀκτὼ μάλιστα, ὄρη ἀπότομα καὶ παντάπασιν ἀδιέξοδα ξυνιόντα ἐς ἄλληλα στενωπούς ἀπεργάζονται
δύο, ἄγχιστά πη ἀλλήλοιν ὄντας οὕσπερ νενομίκασι Κλεισούρας καλεῖν. ]

  [2] Beyond this place, at about the eighth milestone, precipitous and altogether impassable mountains come together to form two passes, very close to each other, which they are wont to call cleisurae.

  [3] τοὺς δὲ ἐκ Περσαρμενίας ἐπὶ Σοφανηνὴν πορευομένους, εἴτε ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν Περσικῶν ὁρίων εἴτε διὰ τοῦ Κιθαρίζων φρουρίου ἴοιεν, ἀμήχανά ἐστιν ὅτι μὴ διὰ τούτων δὴ τῶν δύο στενωπῶν ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι.

  [3] And when travellers go from Persarmenia to Sophanenê, either from the Persian territory itself or by way of the fortress of Citharizôn, it is necessary for them to get there by way of these two passes.

  [4] καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτῶν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι Ἰλλυρισὸν μὲν τὸν ἕτερον, τὸν δὲ ἄλλον Σαφχάς.

  [4] The natives call the one of them Illyrisum and the other Saphchae.

  [5] ὅπως μὲν οὖν ἀναστέλλοιτο τοῖς πολεμίοις ἡ ἐνταῦθα ὁδὸς ἀσφαλείας τε αὐτῆς καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐπιμελείας ἄξια ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα τὰ χωρία ταῦτα ὄντα ἐτύγχανεν. ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς ἀφύλακτα τὸ παράπαν μεμένηκε τοῖς πρόσθεν ἀνθρώποις.

  [5] And for the purpose of checking the enemy’s advance in that region, these places were, as it happened, worth making thoroughly defended and well equipped in every way. Yet they remained altogether unguarded by the men of earlier times.

  [6] βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς ἐν τε τῷ Φεισὼν κἀν τοῖς στενωποῖς ὀχυρώματά τε ἀξιοθέατα καὶ στρατιωτῶν φρουρὰν ἀνανταγώνιστον καταστησάμενος, ἄβατον βαρβάροις τὴν χώραν διεπράξατο παντάπασιν εἶναι. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ χώρας τῆς Σοφανηνῆς καλουμένης τῇδε Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ εἴργασται.