Come Nineveh, Come Tyre: The Presidency of Edward M. Jason

by Allen Drury

  “Whereas,” the S.-G. read, “the government of the United States of America has been guilty of consistent violations of world peace in the countries of Gorotoland and Panama, and in the contiguous waters of the Soviet Union; and,

  “Whereas, these unprovoked aggressions and warlike acts by the government of the United States have continued for many months in direct defiance of the United Nations and its coordinate bodies, the Security Council and the General Assembly; and,

  “Whereas, the United Nations and its coordinate bodies have several times attempted to restrain and terminate these aggressive and warlike acts by the government of the United States, only to be thwarted by vetoes of the government of the United States in the Security Council and open defiance of obvious overwhelming sentiment in the General Assembly; and,

  “Whereas, the government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, determining as a charter member of the United Nations that it must come to the aid of this body in the face of these aggressive and warlike acts by an international outlaw, has proceeded to take such necessary steps as it deems advisable to repel aggression and restore world peace in all areas threatened by the government of the United States;

  “Now, therefore, the United Nations, acting through the Security Council, does approve, endorse and support the necessary steps taken by the Soviet Union to halt United States aggression against world peace, and pledges its support in all ways required to assist the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in maintaining world peace and order in Gorotoland, Panama, the contiguous waters of the Soviet Union and all other areas of the world where peace is threatened by aggressive designs of the government of the United States; and, further,

  “The United Nations approves, endorses and supports the request of the government of the U.S.S.R. that the President of the United States of America meet with it in Moscow at once to settle outstanding problems threatening the peace and stability of the world. The United Nations joins the government of the U.S.S.R. in requesting that the President of the United States of America respond affirmatively and immediately to this invitation.”

  When it became obvious, after a tense and silent moment, that this was the end of it, there came a sudden noisy burst of clapping and approval from the galleries and from the delegates of Ghana, Zambia, Cuba, Egypt and Chile around the table. The American representatives still seemed stunned to the point where, for the moment, neither the Vice President nor the Attorney General appeared able to answer. In the awkward little silence that followed, the Soviet Ambassador looked around triumphantly and then seized the opportunity offered.

  “Vote, Mr. President!” he cried. “Vote! Vote! Vote!”

  Promptly the chant filled the room, drowning out the few opposing shouts, drowning out thought:

  “VOTE! VOTE!! VOTE!”

  For several minutes this continued, as Australia banged futilely with the gavel and some delegates, notably Lord Maudulayne, Raoul Barre, Krishna Khaleel and the delegates of Norway and Lesotho, turned to stare up with angry disapproval at the noisemakers. Presently the sound subsided and into it Australia spoke with an angry firmness.

  “The Chair will advise the galleries,” he said, as indignantly as though he were in Congress and with about as much effect, “that they are here as guests of the Security Council and are not to interfere with the Council’s work by unseemly demonstrations. The Council must demand order and decorum in the chamber, otherwise the galleries will have to be cleared.”

  “Mr. President!” Nikolai Zworkyan said indignantly. “On behalf of the peace-loving peoples of the world, I object to the attempt to silence free and honest dissent. Let them express what they think of the imperialist warmongers, Mr. President! Let them express it freely!”

  Into the new burst of excited and approving sound that automatically greeted this, Claude Maudulayne turned directly to the Vice President sitting beside him and in a low voice grated out, “For God’s sake, man, are you going to let him have everything his own way?”

  And finally, acting a little as though he were fighting up through water to find air, as in a way perhaps he was, Roger P. Croy at last leaned forward, raised a somewhat tentative hand and called out in a voice that eventually made itself heard through the racket, “Mr. President, the United States requests recognition. Mr. President, the United States requests recognition.”

  “The delegate of the United States, the distinguished Vice President,” Australia said with a sigh of relief that came clearly over the loudspeakers and touched off another little wave of sardonic amusement. When it too had settled, Roger Croy grasped the microphone in front of him and began to speak with a growing firmness that brought expressions of relief from his colleagues of Britain and France, Australia, Norway and Lesotho. For the moment the other members of the Council—China, the U.S.S.R., Ghana, Cuba, Zambia, Egypt, Romania, India and Chile—also looked impressed.

  “Mr. President,” Roger Croy said slowly, “the United States is not prepared to accept this kind of tactic in this Council.” There was a disparaging little titter in the galleries. He shook his head with a sudden impatience, and went on. “The United States has come here today in the same spirit in which its new President and new Administration have acted since Edward M. Jason was inaugurated in Washington two days ago—the spirit of peace.” This time the titter swelled into scornful laughter. “Yes!” he said angrily, and for the first time there was a note in his voice which indicated that he was at last beginning to understand what faced his country here: though he still attempted to be conciliatory, for that was his conviction as well as his commission from the President. “Yes, the spirit of peace. That is what prompted the President’s most generous actions in withdrawing so much of America’s military strength two days ago. That is what prompted his conciliatory and hopeful message to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union yesterday. That is what prompts our appearance here today, and the course of action we wish to propose to this body. The spirit of peace, which we assumed, perhaps in our innocence, distinguished both this body and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union.

  “We still believe this, Mr. President. That is why we come here today, in peace instead of bearing arms, in response to the actions of the Soviet Union; why we hope that compromise and conciliation in the interest of all mankind will be possible here today.… It will not be possible,” he said with a sudden crispness that for a moment gave heart to all those—and there were still a good many—who placed their hopes in America, “unless we are met with that same spirit on the part of the Soviet Union, and on the part of a majority of the members of the United Nations. We cannot do it alone, although I think all but the most deliberately prejudiced will concede that we have gone a long way toward it.… .…

  “I, too, Mr. President,” he said, looking squarely into the television cameras which were carrying their words and faces to the great globe’s limits, “have a resolution to propose. I offer it as an amendment to the resolution of the distinguished delegate of the Soviet Union, and I ask that it too be read by the Secretary-General.”

  And pushing back his chair, he carried the paper himself around the circle to Australia, who received it with a nod and a rather nervous smile and handed it to the Secretary-General. When the Vice President came back around the table Nikolai Zworkyan glowered with an elaborate disdain, not bothering to pull in his chair or to acknowledge Roger P. Croy in any way as he resumed his seat.

  “Whereas,” the Secretary-General read gravely in his clipped West African-British accent, “the government of the Soviet Union has called the attention of the United Nations to what it believes to be aggressive actions by the United States of America—”

  (“Wow!” murmured the Chicago Tribune in the Press Gallery. “Some way of ‘calling attention to’!” “Strong enough so even your stupid government can’t overlook it!” the Guardian snapped from the row behind.)

  “and,

  “Whereas, the government of
the United States, while rejecting as unfounded the criticism of the United States implicit in such actions by the Soviet Union, does not wish to inflame further a difficult international situation by replying with acts of a similar military nature, but instead wishes to dedicate itself to the pursuit of a genuine and lasting world peace; and,

  “Whereas, the government of the United States, believing the United Nations to be the proper forum and agency for the settlement of disputes, urges the United Nations to call an international conference of all interested parties to be held under the auspices of the United Nations at a mutually agreeable time and place for the discussion and settlement of problems arising from the differing positions of the two powers; now, therefore:

  “The United Nations agrees with and accepts the call of the government of the United States for a conference and directs the Secretary-General and other appropriate arms and agencies of the United Nations to begin immediate planning for such a conference to be held at a mutually agreeable place outside the respective territories of the Soviet Union and the United States at a date not later than three weeks from the date of approval of this resolution.”

  Again there was a silence as the Secretary-General concluded and into it Australia said hastily,

  “The amendment of the United States to the resolution of the Soviet Union has been offered and read. As an amendment it automatically becomes the first order of business to be voted upon. Is there further debate, or do members wish to vote now on the resolution of the United—”

  But of course this deliberately naive ploy did not work. Cuba, Egypt, Zambia, the U.K. and the U.S.S.R. all raised hands and demanded recognition. After a moment’s hesitation Australia said, “The delegate of the United Kingdom.”

  Scornful booing came from the galleries. Lord Maudulayne turned to stare with an impassive and deliberately infuriating contempt. Then he turned back to his microphone and spoke in level and unhurried tones.

  “Her Majesty’s Government,” he said, “wishes to state that in our opinion the position of the United States is so reasonable as to be almost suicidal. It is reasonable beyond belief. It is reasonable beyond any call of conscience or any duty to the United Nations or any duty to the goal of world peace. It is,” he said flatly, as the booing began again, “so decent in impulse, so idealistic in concept and so generous in purpose that it puts to shame all those, here or elsewhere, who condemn the government of the United States with the shabby clichés of the shabby past.”

  Again the booing. This time he rounded on it angrily.

  “What is this ‘government of the United States’ that my friend from the Soviet Union attacks so savagely and some here seem to be treating with such contempt? Why, it is none other than the new President of the United States, the man so many of you wanted to see in the White House, the man so many of you hailed as the world’s great new leader for peace. It is Edward M. Jason, it is not Harley Hudson or William Abbott. It is the man who in his inaugural just forty-eight hours ago voluntarily laid down many of the arms of the United States as his contribution to world peace. It is the leader who did more than any single leader of any nation has ever done to prove by deeds rather than words that he believes in a decent and hopeful future for mankind.

  “And what has been the result? Did the Soviet Union welcome this most generous and noble action in the spirit in which it was offered? Did it offer a similar decency, a similar idealism and a similar restraint? It did not. It moved immediately to take military advantage of it, in the most ruthless, most deceitful and, yes, most evil way imaginable. Yes!” he exclaimed into the chorus of boos that arose once more. “Most evil. Most monstrously evil. And as excuse its representative sits at this table and condemns American administrations and an ‘American Government’ which no longer exists, because now a new and genuinely peace-loving one sits there.

  “Mr. President,” he said somberly, “how far from the truth can this world get and still survive? How far can it afford to let the Soviet Union and her friends persuade it that black is white, up is down, yea is nay, evil is good? There has to be a point at which the world calls a halt and gets back to sanity. Otherwise we are indeed doomed, not only to the tender physical mercies of the Soviet Union but to the death of the free and inquiring mind—that death of the mind which a complete and unchallenged Communist hegemony has long since imposed on the great Russian nation and will impose on all of us, if it can. From that long night, Mr. President, the world would be a long time waking … if ever.…

  “Mr. President, Her Majesty’s Government supports the amendment of the United States of America to the resolution of the Soviet Union. Her Majesty’s Government believes the President of the United States has been extraordinarily patient, decent and good. Her Majesty’s Government rejects the unfounded and deliberately untrue Soviet condemnation of the United States and it will support an international conference only on the basis proposed by the United States. Her Majesty’s Government will, if necessary, veto the Soviet resolution.”

  And he sat back, chin on hand, shrewd face unyielding, while again the galleries spewed forth their hatred, mingled with a few defiant sounds of approval. Around the table a majority of the delegates looked openly annoyed and antagonistic.

  “And we,” the Soviet Ambassador spat out, not bothering to seek recognition, “will veto the resolution of the United States! And so where will we be then, I ask the distinguished representative of the Government! And the U.S.S.R. standing alone to protect the world from open aggression of the imperialist capitalist warmongering American government! And the U.S.S.R. standing alone to protect the world against it! So be it, Mr. President, if that is what the distinguished representative of the U.K. wants, so be it! We shall see who imposes hegemony on whom, if the American warmongers are permitted to run free!”

  “I waive the right of reply, Mr. President,” Lord Maudulayne said in a bored tone. “My words, I’m afraid, would be too intelligent to counter such gibberish.”

  “Mr. President!” Cuba said, swiveling his roly-poly little body around and twisting furiously at his drooping mustache, “Mr. President, Cuba would like to comment before the vote. Cuba, Mr. President, is a neighbor of the war-mad American oligarchs and we know from long experience how to evaluate the words and the deeds of those strange people.

  “It is true we heard the words of the new President Jason two days ago. It is true we heard those fine words. We are aware of promises to withdraw troops and ships and planes, and we know that there was an apparent beginning. But, Mr. President, it was only apparent! The Soviet Union has shown Cuba, Mr. President, the intelligence reports which disclose that American withdrawals were only a pretense, that after a little gesture, a little smoke screen, they intended to stay where they were. They intended to make only a token showing, Mr. President. They intended to retreat an inch and then when the world was lulled into inaction, come back a mile. It was all a fraud, Mr. President, to catch us all off balance!”

  “But that isn’t true!” George Wattersill protested half-aloud in a dismayed voice. “That just isn’t true!”

  “Tell him, then,” Claude Maudulayne demanded in an urgent whisper. “You have got to answer him. You cannot let the lie stand.”

  “Mr. President—” George Wattersill said obediently and not quite firmly enough. Cuba rushed on in his high, staccato tones.

  “Mr. President, what do these documents prove? They prove that the words of the new President were a fraud, just as the words of the other Presidents have been. They prove that the imperialist American warmongers were simply trying to hide behind this new man who claims to be for peace. They prove that he himself is part of them, that he is a fraud, too. It was all a conspiracy, Mr. President, all a joke. Only now,” he said, and a grim relish came into his snapping little eyes, “the joke is on someone else. Because of the great courage and decision of the Soviet Union, because one power, at least, believes in the charter of the United Nations and will come to its assistance, t
he fraud has been exposed and the warmongers have been driven away. They are in retreat, Mr. President! They are in retreat everywhere! Because of the fearless actions of the great peace-loving Soviet Union, the world can finally hope, Mr. President, that they are in retreat everywhere and forever. That is the great hope which comes to us with the fearless actions of the great Soviet Union, Mr. President.

  “Now let us examine the proposal of the government of the United States, which one must confess, Mr. President, looks to be the last, desperate gasp of an outmoded imperialism trying frantically to hide its evil deeds behind a smoke screen of piety and peaceful pretense. What does the distinguished Vice President of the warmongering imperialist American regime offer?

  “Why, he says the government of the United States is innocent, Mr. President! It is honest, Mr. President! It is decent and forbearing, it does not want to inflame international tensions. It wants the United Nations to pull its chestnuts out of the fire, now, it wants us to come to its rescue, now that the fearless Soviet Union has revealed its betrayals and stopped its sinister purposes. That is the fraud it seeks to put upon us here.

  “After nearly a year, Mr. President, of defying the United Nations, of spitting on world opinion, of engaging in deliberate aggression and warlike attacks against the free peoples of Gorotoland and Panama, after compounding these crimes by adding the further crime of interfering with the free passage of shipping in the contiguous waters of the Soviet Union off Alaska, the American Government comes here and tries to tell us its hands are clean just because it has a new man in the White House.

  “Do his pious words wipe out a year of betrayal and aggression, Mr. President? Yes, do they wipe out even more—all the long sad story of American aggression in Viet Nam, in Korea, and everywhere else Washington has seen fit to meddle around the world? How pious can you get, Mr. President? Not pious enough to wipe out a filthy record, I submit. Not pious enough to make the world believe American policy has changed overnight in one great, glorious change of heart. Oh, no, Mr. President! Edward M. Jason may be a pious and well-meaning man, but he is the prisoner of his imperialist military clique, Mr. President. He mouths fine words, but the hands of America are not clean. He cannot convince us of that!