A Love Beyond: A Scottish Historical Romance (The Reivers Book 2)

by Belle McInnes

  For 300 years Mary's watch lay where she had dropped it, until it was picked up by a farm worker digging a drainage channel.

  It had been well preserved and is now on display at QM House in Jedburgh

  Later, after being held in captivity by Elizabeth I of England, she said "Would that I had died in Jedburgh..."1587

  Mary was executed at Fotheringay Castle in 1587.

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  In the autumn, he travelled to Hermitage with three hundred horse to arrest a group of borderers for trial at Jedburgh, but was seriously wounded while attempting to arrest them. After Mary had travelled to Jedburgh for the assize, she visited him with her other advisers on his sick bed. On her return, she suffered an abdominal haemorrhage, which threatened her life. Bothwell recovered quickly and arrived at her bedside fearing the worst, but she slowly recovered and was able to return by easy stages towards Edinburgh. On reaching Craigmillar, she remained for a fortnight to convalesce

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  Mary's route to Hermitage:

  When Mary visited Bothwell in Hermitage Castle, she did not take the present route of the road by the Slitterick, but penetrated the mountainous track which lies between that and the Teviot. The perils and the difficulties of such a journey must have been very great, and it is utterly inconceivable how she contrived both to go into Liddesdale and to come back from it again to Teviotdale in the short space of one day. Her path lay up Priesthaugh-swire, between Pencryst-pen and Skelf-hill, then through a long boggy tract called Hawkhass, next up along the course of a mountain stream to the ridge called Maiden's Paps, where the district of Liddesdale begins; she afterwards descended Braidlie-swire, till again she reached a low piece of marshy ground. It was on this spot that the Queen narrowly escaped with her life, her horse having been swamped in the bog (the Queen's Mire); other hills had now to be ascended and descended, the narrow tract generally sloping along their sides, and crossing the little burns at the bottom, until she reached the course of the Hermitage Water, following which she reached Hermitage Castle, after having performed one of the most hazardous and seemingly impracticable journeys that was ever achieved. And what renders it even more wonderful is that it was performed by a delicate female, and one who had recently risen from child-bed.

  Tradition says that Mary was attended by only 12 men on this perilous expedition—a very insufficient guard for a Queen in an enemy's country.

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  It was a grey October day replete with the fine drizzle for which the Borders are well-known, and she lost a silver spur when her horse stumbled in the bog in the hills above the Elliot strongholds that lead to Hermitage castle. Throughout Mary's journey to Hermitage and then back to Jedburgh, the weather had been foul and she was to suffer as a consequence. By the time she was back in Jedburgh she had contracted a heavy cold which developed to the point where it was thought she would never recover. She was delirious for days and eventually, her servants, fearing she was about to die, she was given the last rites of the Roman Catholic Church.

  However, both she and Bothwell eventually overcame their near-death experiences and lived on only to write one of the most heart-rending episodes in British history.

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  The route she was believed to have taken: Bonchester Bridge (via the Queen's Well), Earlside, Stobs Castle, Barnes Farm, Priesthaugh, the rough country between Priesthaugh and Hermitage known as the Queen's Mire (where the enamelled watch now in the museum in Queen Mary's House was later found) and finally reached Hermitage Castle at 12 noon, having left Jedburgh at 7am. The return journey took from 1pm to 7pm

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  She rode 25 miles to visit him on his sickbed at Hermitage, and 25 miles back, all in a single day. Her enemies later portrayed this as evidence of an adulterous affair, but Mary was accompanied at all times. More seriously, she fell sick on the return journey, and very nearly died from the most severe of her many bouts of illness.

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  "leaving Jedburgh by the town-head, and passing the castle, the Queen would proceed along the base of the Dunion Hill, across Swinnie Moor, into Eule Water, thence across the Earlside Moor to Colifort Hill, crossing the Slitrig below Stobs, and leaving Hawick considerably to the right. Her path in all likelihood would then pass Whitlaw, Flex, and Priesthaugh, and on between Greatmoor and Caldcleugh Hills to the head of the Braidlee Burn, where there is a morass in which her white palfrey sank, and which is still called the Queen's Mire. From Braidlee Burn is but a short and easy descent into the Hermitage valley." Sir Walter Elliot, who is intimately acquainted with the district, estimates this route at more than thirty miles

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  Chapter Twenty-Two

  At Loch-leven. When the unfortunate Mary, in hopes of escaping from Both well, surrendered herself at Musselburgh to the forces of Morton, and Bothwell fled, she only exchanged a tyrant whose selfish interest it was to preserve her for tyrants whose interest it was to destroy her. They led her in triumph through Edin- burgh on horseback, where she appeared so covered with dust and tears, that her features were not discernible. On pretence that the mob had plundered Holyrood, they took her to the Kirk-at-field, and shut her up in the house where her husband's corpse had been carried after his murder, and had laid till his burial. All the way they carried before her two standards, on one of which was painted the corpse of her husband murdered, on the other, the figure of her infant on his knees, holding his little hands together, and crying to heaven for vengeance. If she had been a guilty woman, she must have gone mad that night, shut up by herself in this frightful place, without any of her maids or ladies near her. The next morning, Morton's party set her on an ugly sorry horse they caught by chance in the fields, and hurried her to the castle of Loch-leven, which was at that time occupied by the mother of the Earl of Muiray, who had concealed her shame as the mistress of Queen Mary's father, James V., by marriage with the Lord of Loch-leven, of the house of Douglas. It is by no means improbable, that King James (V) had deceived this lady under promise of marriage, for that king long celebrated the birthday of her son as if he had been his heir : hence the woes of his poor sister.

  Lady Douglas treated the captive queen with the utmost indignity, telling her she was but a mock queen, and that she had usurped the crown from the Earl of Murray, who, she said, was in reality the right heir, boasting that she was the lawful wife of James the Fifth.

  Morton, and the rest of the conspirators, had chosen Loch-leven Castle as the queen's prison, because it was situated in the midst of a lake six miles in circumference, so that no one could visit her without their privity. They refused admittance to the French ambassador, knowing that the unfortunate queen's chief hope of deliverance would come from the royal family of France. In this prison she was forced, by threats, and even personal violence, to abdicate her crown to her son. Some account of her attempted escape from Loch-leven, and final success, are given in the Appendix, vol. ii. This little detail is meant to throw a more lively interest on this curious series of supplicatory letters written by the poor queen from Loch-leven.

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  Chapter Twenty-Three

  Bothwell declared that Queen Mary did never give consent to her husband's death, or was privy thereto, as he should answer to the eternal God. And being asked the question, ' Who were the contrivers of the murder ? ' he answered, Murray the Bastard was the first proposer, but Morton laid the plot, and /accomplished it.' For which he begged God's pardon, and expired."

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  Chapter Twenty-Four

  Monsieur le Croc to the Archbishop of Glasgow, Scottish resident ambassador at Paris.

  From December 6 to December 23, 1566.

  The queen is at present at Craigmillar, about a league distant from this city, (Edinburgh.) She is in the hands of physicians, and I do assure you is not at all well ; and I do believe the principal part of her disease to consist in a deep grief and sorrow, nor does it seem possible to make her forget the same ; still she repeats the words, " I could wish to be dea
d ! " You know very well the injury her majesty hath received is very great, and she can never forget it.

  The king her husband came to visit her at Jedburgh, the very day after Captain Hay went away; he remained there but one single night, and yet in that short time I had a great deal of conversation with him. He returned to see the queen five or six days ago, and the day before yesterday he sent word to desire me to speak with him half a league from this city, which I complied with, and found that things go still worse and worse. I think he intends going away to-morrow ; but at all events, I am assured that he is not to be present at the baptism s (of the young prince his son).

  To speak my mind freely to you, (but I beg you not to repeat it to my prejudice), I do not expect, upon several accounts, any good understanding between them, unless God especially put his hand in it. I shall only name two reasons against it : the first is, the king (Darnley) will never humble himself as he ought ; the other, that the queen cannot perceive him speaking with any nobleman, but presently she suspects some plot among them. Meantime, the queen reckons to be going to Stirling five or six days hence, and the baptism is appointed to be there on the 12th of this month.

  The baptism of the prince took place Tuesday last here at Stirling, when he got the name of Charles James ; it was the queen's pleasure that he should bear the name of James, together with that of Charles (the king of France's name), because, she said all the good kings of Scotland, his predecessors, who have been closely allied with the crown of France, were called by the name of James. Every thing, I assure you, was done at the baptism according to the form of the holy Roman Catholic church. The king (Lord Darnley), had still given out that he would depart two days before the baptism, but when the time came on he made no sign of removing at all, only he still kept close in his own apartment.

  The very day of the baptism he sent three several times, desiring me either to come to see him, or to appoint him an hour that he might come to me in my lodging (lodging-rooms in the castle;) so I found myself obliged to signify to him, that seeing he was in no good correspondence with the queen, I had it in charge from the most Christian king of France my master, to hold no conference with him, and I sent to tell him, likewise, that as it would not be very proper for him to come to my apartments, because there was such a crowd of company there, so he ought to be aware there were two passages to it, and if he should enter by the one, I should feel myself compelled to go out at the other.

  His bad deportment is incurable, nor can there be any good expected from him, for several reasons which I might tell you were I present with you. I cannot pretend to tell how it may all turn out, but I will say, that matters cannot subsist long as they are without being accompanied by many bad results.

  The queen behaved admirably well at the time of the baptism, and shewed so much earnestness to entertain all the good company in the best manner, that in the meantime she forgot all her indisposition. I am, however, of opinion that she will give us some anxiety yet ; I cannot he brought to think otherwise, so long as she continues so pensive and melancholy. She sent for me yesterday ; I found her laid on her bed and weeping sore. She complained of a grievous pain in her side, and, from a concurrence of evils, it chanced that the day her majesty set out from Edinburgh to this place she hurt one of her breasts on the horse, which she told me is now swelled. I am much grieved for the many troubles and vexations she meets with. From Stirling, this 23 of December, 1566.

  Monsieur de Croc* to Catherine de Medicis, Queen of France.

  May 16, 1567.

  Madame, The letters that I have written to your majesty, by the bishop of Dumblane, are merely delusive, y you can suppose that I did not entrust to him what I would write to you. Your majesties cannot do better than to make him very bad cheer, and find all amiss in this marriage, for it is very wretched, and it is already repented of. On Friday, her majesty (Queen Mary) sent to seek for me ; when I came, I perceived an estranged demeanour between her and her husband ; for this she wished me to excuse her, saying " that if I saw her sad, it was because she could not rejoice, for she did nothing but wish for death." ( This was on the day of her wedding with Bothwell, that marriage which general history affirms she desired so much,}

  Yesterday, being shut up in her cabinet with Bothwell, she screamed aloud, and then sought for a knife to stab herself; those who were in the chamber adjoining the cabinet heard her.

  They think that if God does not aid her, she will become desperate. I have counselled and comforted her the best I could, these three times I have seen her.

  Her husband will not remain so long, for he is too much hated in this realm, as he is always considered guilty of the death of the king. There is here, besides the Earl of Bothwell, but one noble of note, this is the Earl of Crawford : the others are sent for, but will not come.

  She has summoned them to meet, in a place she has named : if they convene, I am to speak to them in the name of the king (of France), and see if I can do aught with them ; after saying all that it is possible for me to say, it will be better to withdraw myself, and as I have sent word to you, leave them to play out their game. It is not fitting that I sit there among them (the Scotch lords) in the name of the king (of France). For if I lean to the queen, they will think in this realm, and in England, that my king has a hand in all that is done ; while if it had not been for the express commands your majesty laid on me, I had departed hence eight days before this marriage took place. If I have spoken in a very high tone, it is that all this realm may be aware, that I will neither mix myself up with these nuptials, nor will I recognize him (Both well) as husband of the queen. I believe he will write to you by the Bishop of Dunblane ; you ought not to answer him.

  I remain, your majesty, &c.

  * The Bishop of Dunblane was the ambassador sent by Both well to announce to the queen-mother and Charles 9th, his nuptials with Queen Mary.

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  Chapter Twenty-Five

  Maitland did not always enjoy the queen's trust. He had both disapproved of Mary's second marriage, to Henry Stewart, Lord Darnley, and then involved himself in the Rizzio murder. But by 1567 he was sufficiently back in the queen's favour for her to approve the wedding, although this might have been influenced by a perceived need to use Fleming to keep a close eye on a man she still did not entirely trust.[7]

  Only a month after their wedding at Stirling's Chapel Royal, Darnley was murdered at Kirk o' Field, and three months later the queen married James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. Despite being one of the few to attend that wedding, Maitland abandoned the queen almost immediately; his wife also went with him, leaving the queen distraught at her departure.

  Mary Fleming, or Lady Lethington as she was now known, must have been tormented by the dramatic events that unfolded after she and her husband parted company from her cousin, the queen. As wife to Maitland, she now had dual loyalties, but she may have played a part in eventually persuading him to return to Mary's side. During Mary's imprisonment at Loch Leven an engraved ring was sent from either Maitland or his wife to the deposed queen, with the words engraved in Italian: 'He who has spirit enough will not want force'. It was taken at the time to be a promise of future support from Maitland.[8]

  That support took some time in coming: it was not until after the battle of Langside and the first trial of Mary at York that Maitland began to shift his position, moving away from the queen's half-brother James, Regent Moray and back to Mary. On returning to Scotland he joined Kirkcaldy at Edinburgh castle, but it eventually fell in May, 1573. By then an ailing man, virtually unable to walk, he was held prisoner in Leith to await trial for treason.

  His wife's devotion was reflected in her decision to leave their two children at home in Haddington and join him. On the 9th of June Maitland died before he was brought to trial. There was still the gruesome possibility that his dead body be propped up at a posthumous trial as was sometimes the Scottish custom, but due to the intervention of his wife that was avoided. Mary wrote to Cecil, Queen Eliz
abeth's chief advisor, asking for support. It brought a response from the queen, who sent a strongly worded letter to Regent Morton advising him against such action.

  http://www.maryqueenofscots.net/people/william-maitland-lethington/

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  Chapter Twenty-Six

  John Fleming, 5th Lord Fleming (1529–6 September 1572) supporter of Mary Queen of Scots.

  He was the son of Malcolm Fleming, 3rd Lord Fleming, lord high chamberlain, by his wife Johanna or Jonet Stewart, natural daughter of James IV. He succeeded his brother James Fleming, 4th Lord Fleming.

  He was Governor of Dumbarton Castle in 1565, and made the Principal Master Usher of the Queen's Chamber.[1] He supported of Mary, Queen of Scots, fighting for her at the Battle of Carberry Hill, and the Battle of Langside. He accompanied her, on her flight to England in 1568, and returned to Scotland in 1569. He held Dunbarton Castle for the Queen until 1571, when he escaped to France and returned shortly before his death in 1572.

  While John was defending Dumbarton Castle against the supporters of James VI in 1570 in the cause of Mary, Queen of Scots, his young family was harassed at his houses at Biggar and Cumbernauld Castle by Regent Lennox's men. It was reported;

  "they wald noct suffir his wyf within na boundes (expelled from her home), thre infantis with hir, the eldest of thame nocht thre yeir auld, schaiking thame furct of ther claythes and bedding most schamefullie ... and ther is twa of thame can noct speik."

  As well as the farm livestock the King's men took his deer and wild white cattle for Lennox's table in Edinburgh.