Shiloh and the Western Campaign of 1862

by Edward Cunningham

  A graduate of Dartmouth College and a civil engineer by profession, Webster entered the U. S. Army as an officer in the topographical engineers in 1838. Serving in the Mexican War, Webster resigned from the army in 1854 with the rank of captain. When the Civil War broke out, he reenlisted in the army, eventually acquiring the duties if not the commensurate rank of chief of staff to General U. S. Grant. On February 1, 1862, he was appointed colonel of the First Illinois Light Artillery, but continued acting as chief of staff.

  Sometime late in the afternoon that Sunday, Grant directed Webster to help form this new defensive position, and he set to work building a line. Using stragglers and assorted noncombatant personnel that he had rounded up, Webster soon prepared a fairly formidable defensive position.1

  Next came the guns. Swedish-born Captain Axel Silfversparre commanded a battery consisting of men, four 20-pound Parrotts, and almost nothing else. Mustered into service in Chicago on February 20 and arriving at Shiloh only the day before, Silfversparre’s Battery H, First Illinois Light Artillery, lacked horses, harnesses, and most of the other innumerable items an artillery unit needs to function efficiently in battle. Undaunted by these shortages, Webster had the Illinoisans manhandling their ponderous iron tubes into line. There they were, with a little difficulty, pointed in the approximate direction from which a Confederate advance might come.

  If at last the guns were in position, the men were still totally untrained, but under Webster’s supervision, Battery H began practicing with its tubes. Unlike a normal firing range, however, the battery did not open fire at a distant artificial target, but instead, began dropping rounds in the general direction of the Confederate army.

  Battered and torn by the battle’s fury, Federal field batteries began falling back to the Landing to rest, regroup, and locate fresh ammunition. Probably some batteries simply had their fill of fighting. Whatever the reason, Webster quickly took over tactical command and ordered them to assist in holding the Landing.2

  The First Minnesota arrived with its four remaining guns after escaping from the Hornet’s Nest before the surrender, and it was immediately placed in position, as was Battery E, Second Illinois Light Artillery, along with Captain Stone’s Battery K, First Missouri Light Artillery.3 Major John Cavender, Wallace’s chief of artillery, added the six 20-pound Parrotts of Batteries H and D, First Missouri Light Artillery to Webster’s rapidly growing command.4 More cannon were added to the line, and then Captain Edward Bouton’s Battery arrived to an enthusiastic greeting, the report having circulated at the Landing that the battery had been captured. Actually the Illinoisans had been badly shot up by a Confederate battery on the other side of Dill Branch, but with the help of some Ohio infantry all the guns were saved and dragged back to the Landing, where they were quickly placed in the line.5

  While Webster positioned the incoming guns, Federal infantry units trudged wearily in and Webster cooperated with their commanding officers in deploying them along the Landing front. The Sixth Iowa, now commanded by Captain M. W. Walden, arrived after a frantic withdrawal from McClernand’s last line, and Webster arranged for the regiment to move in as support for the big guns. Mounted on his horse in front of the Iowans, Webster addressed the soldiers saying, “I pledge you my men at the guns will do their duty, and if the Rebels come on, I want you to meet them with the cold steel.”6

  General Grant ran across Major William Belknap, who was rallying part of the Fifteenth Iowa, and the general asked him his name and unit. The major replied, and Grant promptly asked him, “Any relation of Colonel Belknap of the Old Army?” The young major answered, “He was my father!” Holding his hand out, Grant said, “I knew your father well, and was with him in Mexico.”7

  Sherman’s, McClernand’s and Hurlbut’s commands all gradually straggled to the Landing, adding their riflemen and cannon to the force already there, but some units were slow in falling back. Lieutenant Cuthbert Laing’s Second Light Michigan Battery paused in a ravine to trade shots with Captain Melancthon Smith’s Mississippi Battery. The delay proved fatal. Prentiss’ surrender had freed the First Mississippi Cavalry to move forward. Its commander, Colonel A. J. Lindsay, was directed to take charge of all cavalry on that side of the field and sweep to the river. Lieutenant Colonel John Miller assumed command of the regiment, and they galloped forward about a quarter of a mile, yelling like mad men. Then Laing’s Battery was observed about three hundred yards ahead, in the act of limbering up. The Mississippians charged wildly forward towards the guns and the Federals, realizing escape was impossible, decided to try and fight it out. Unlimbering their pieces, the Yanks frantically tried to swing their weapons around to bear on the charging enemy. Before a single cannon could be loaded, aimed, and fired, the Mississippians reached the battery, riding down the hapless gunners. Resistance was hopeless and the Federals quickly raised their hands, fifty-six gunners surrendering, along with the five cannon. (Laing was on another part of the battlefield recovering his sixth gun, which was damaged earlier in the day.) The prisoners and guns were quickly ordered to the rear, and the Mississippians continued their advance toward the Tennessee River.8

  Other Confederate cavalry units also tried to harass the retreating Union army. On the other side of the field, not far from Jones Field, Confederate Colonel John Hunt Morgan attempted to bring his unit into action with McClernand’s rear most retreating units. After observing the repulse of Pond’s Brigade, Morgan, acting under orders from Hardee to advance, followed McClernand’s troops when they began to withdraw toward the Landing. Byrne’s Battery appeared and began unlimbering to shell McClernand’s men also. Bluecoated riflemen suddenly attacked out of a clump of woods. Morgan immediately gave the command to charge and the Kentuckians followed the Federals into the thick foliage, losing all trace of formation in the process. Morgan’s men suddenly found themselves on the receiving end of a heavy fire from a strong force of McClernand’s infantry. Men and horses went down, but the Kentuckians did not falter. It was an awkward, clumsy, stumbling affair, with some of Morgan’s men trying vainly to hack and slash at the Union infantry in the underbrush. Some of the Kentuckians put their trust in their shotguns and pistols and were able to kill or wound twelve or fifteen of the enemy. Within moments the action abruptly ended and the Bluecoats continued retreating toward the Landing. The brief fight cost Morgan the lives of Lieutenant James West and Privates Samuel Buckner and James Ghiselin, and several wounded.9

  Confederate infantry commanders were also trying to organize some kind of pursuit of the retreating Federals, but it was no easy matter. When Prentiss and the other Unionists who had escaped from the Hornet’s Nest were captured, many of the Confederate infantry assumed the battle was over and casually left their units to find something to eat and drink or hunt for wounded buddies.10 Despite the loss of these additional defectors, Confederate officers soon managed to round up at least part of their commands and started off for the Landing. There was still almost continuous firing from scattered points across the field as the somewhat awkwardly advancing Southerners collided with parties of Union stragglers.

  Chalmers’ and Jackson’s brigades of Withers’ Division, which were probably the first two infantry units to undertake the last advance, were particularly troubled by Federal stragglers. Some of the Second Texas came upon a squad of Union infantry, consisting of about a dozen men, led by a sergeant. One of the group waved a white piece of cloth from a musket rammer, and the Texans naturally assumed the Yanks were an isolated party who wanted to give up. The Northerners walked within about fifty feet of the Confederates when the sergeant suddenly yelled in a single breath, “Halt—ready—aim—fire!” The Yankee volley killed two Texans and wounded several more, and the plucky Federals, their guns empty, tried to retreat to safety. Angered by what they considered Northern treachery, the Confederates wiped out the entire squad.11

  A little further on toward the river, the Texans’ commanding officer, Colonel John Moore, captured a solitary soldier. Several hun
dred yards from the river the regiment came upon an isolated log cabin, which the Rebels immediately proceeded to deploy around for a quick search. The precaution was not necessary, for from the door of the cabin a lone Union defender walked out, his bayoneted rifle high in the air. Moore’s men quickly disarmed the Irish Yankee, and jokingly asked him what he was doing. The disarmed Federal replied casually, “And sure, I wanter surrinder meself.” The fellow was quickly obliged, and he was sent to the rear with the other prisoners.12

  As the tail end of the Fortieth Illinois headed for the new position near the Landing, an officer, Lieutenant John McLean, had a foot shot off. Five members of the regiment dropped behind to help the hapless officer. Private John Hunt took the rifles of the other four men while they picked up the crippled McLean. Confederate skirmishers moved in on the little party and one Southerner shot McLean’s own musket out of his hands, ruining it, but the little group finally managed to make it to the Landing and at least temporary sanctuary.13

  Skirmishers from the Fifteenth Mississippi of Statham’s Brigade also ran into a hot fight with retreating Federals. Company E deployed behind a corn crib while Northern riflemen deployed along the rim of a ravine and peppered them with slugs. Private Dick Wood took cover behind a large Federal army medical chest filled with and lined on the top with jars and bottles. Union riflemen sniped at Wood, their heavy slugs ripping into the chest, sending wooden splinters and bits of glass and medicine flying in all directions. Wood was cut in the neck by a fragment, and he finally took the butt of his Enfield and smashed the remaining jars and bottles from off the top in order to get a little relief.14 With the bar rage of flying missiles now reduced to merely some Federal slugs, Wood quickly resumed his less personal fight with the distant Union riflemen, who were soon driven back.

  But a disturbing new element was rapidly being added to the fight. Heavy shells, much larger than anything the Confederates had encountered before, were beginning to explode among and around the advancing Southerners. These shells were coming from an important new entry in the battle, the United States navy gunboats Lexington and Tyler.

  When the battle began that Sunday morning, the Tyler commanded by Lieutenant William Gwin and the Lexington commanded by Lieutenant James W. Shirk were idly steaming by on the Tennessee River, not performing any particular function. After listening to the sounds of battle for a good while, Gwin, who was the senior naval officer present, decided to move his gunboat up above the Landing so as to be in a position to support the troops should they be driven back to the river’s bank.15

  About 10:15 a.m., the Lexington, which had been at Crump’s Landing when the battle began, arrived to find out what was going on. Determining that a battle was raging, Shirk turned the Lexington around and returned to Crump’s to support Wallace. With Shirk gone, Gwin stood off Pittsburg Landing, vainly awaiting some orders from Grant or someone in authority as to what action to take. Occasionally Confederate overshots splashed water around the little wooden gunboat, but caused no damage. Frustrated by the lack of orders, Gwin finally decided to take action. About 1:25, p.m., he dispatched an officer ashore to find someone in authority to get orders from. Locating General Hurlbut, arrangements were quickly made for the gunboat to open fire on the Confederate army.

  About 2:50, p.m., the Tyler opened fire with her six 8-inch smoothbores and lone 32-pounder, firing in the direction of some Confederate gun positions. After an hour, Gwin ordered his gunners to cease fire, and he moved his ship down opposite the Landing, sending Gunner Herman Peters ashore to “communicate with General Grant for further instructions.”16 Grant immediately sent word back to Gwin for him to use his own judgment. Shirk arrived with the Lexington and the two wooden vessels assumed a new position about three-quarters of a mile above the Landing, shelling some Confederate batteries. It is questionable just how effective the gun boats’ fire was, but the sounds of the big shells exploding did not help Confederate morale.17

  Bragg’s orders were to pursue the Federals to the Tennessee River, but Chalmers, Jackson, and the other Confederate leaders were encountering increased difficulties in executing this order.18 Many of the Confederates were short of ammunition, and the gun boats’ fire was hitting with in creasing accuracy as the Southerners neared the river. The Tennessee was at high water, and by elevating their guns to the maximum and using reduced charges, Gwin and Shirk punished Withers men severely. Gwin opened fire on Chalmers’ Brigade at 5:35 p.m., sending shell after shell crashing into the Southerners position.19 One of the big naval shells landed right in the middle of the remaining part of the Fifty- second Tennessee of Chalmers’ Brigade, cutting down several of the men. Private William F. Mosier’s uncle was knocked on his back, lamed for life by a shell, his musket barrel bent. Several more shells immediately hit among the Fifty-second, and the soldiers quickly scattered to find whatever cover they could, leaving only three enlisted men with Captain Wilson.20 The Fifth Tennessee was also hit by the fire from the Union gunboats. Private James Bouie, Company C, was torn to pieces by an exploding shell, as was at least one other man in another company.21

  The Confederates unknowingly were racing against time, for the Lexington and Tyler were not the only Federal reinforcements available to General Grant. Other help was coming, and indeed was practically arrived, for the advance of Buell’s army was already being ferried across the Tennessee.

  About 7:00 a.m. Sunday morning the troops of the Fourth Division, Army of the Ohio, were astir, putting the finishing touches to their breakfasts and toilets in preparation for a dress parade. The scattered crackle of musket fire could be heard in the distance, but no one paid any particular attention to it. Then a little past 7:00, the sound of cannon fire began drifting in, steadily increasing in tempo until it was almost a solid roll. Awakened by the sounds, the gigantic General William Nelson sprang to his feet from his cot and called an aide, Lieutenant Richard Southgate, formerly of the Sixth Ohio, and ordered him to tell Colonels William Hazen, S. D. Bruce, and Jacob Ammen to have their brigades in “readiness to move at any moment after the end of the hour.”22 He dispatched another aide to go down to the river to see if any transports were available. As the sounds of battle rapidly in creased, Nelson paced up and down in front of his tent, scowling at and tongue lashing any one within range. Finally he turned to one of his staff, Dr. Bradford, and vehemently exclaimed, “By God, Bradford, if I get no orders by twelve o’clock, I will move without them. I will do so, if I have to go back to the deck of my ship for it.”23

  Finally a little after 8:00 a.m., unwilling to endure the suspense, Nelson mounted his long-suffering horse and rode over to the Cherry House to find out what was going on and what his orders were. At the Cherry House, Nelson found the order that Grant had dictated to Rawlins an hour before, directing him to move his division to the river opposite Pittsburg Landing. The order seemed to indicate no particular urgency, and indeed the attitude around Savannah was one of calm, suggesting that the whole affair was a large-scale picket fight. Whatever the sense of urgency, the Kentuckian quickly rode back to his headquarters and immediately dictated orders to get ready to move.24

  Considering Grant’s previous remarks concerning the impractibility of the local roads, it is a little difficult to see how he meant for Nelson to get to the high ground opposite Pittsburg Landing. The citizens of Savannah were not very much help. Most of the potential guides were already enlisted with Grant and busy fighting Johnston’s army. The few remaining sympathizers were under the impression that the route to the bluff opposite Pittsburg was impassable due to high water. Nelson quickly ordered his assistant adjutant general, Captain J. Mills Kendrick, to take a detachment of cavalry and reconnoiter in the direction of the river.

  Even while Prentiss’ and Sherman’s divisions were crumbling under the fierce Southern onslaught, the troops of Nelson’s Fourth Division lolled about checking equipment, impatient and eager to move, but lacking orders. Nelson could only stump about growling at his aides while waiting
for Kendrick’s report or for some of Grant’s empty transports to come up to Savannah.

  Taking advantage of the delay, Nelson’s subordinate officers checked and rechecked the state of readiness of their commands, making sure that every man had an adequate supply of rations and ammunition. Nelson finally rode over to see Colonel Ammen,25 ordering him to be ready to move either through the swamps, if Kendrick’s re port was favorable, or by boat from the Landing. The general then rode on off toward the Landing to look for the transports.

  Colonel Ammen stood around awhile, awaiting orders; but none came, and he finally mounted his horse and rode aver to the Cherry House, where he met an impatient Buell and Nelson. No boats had arrived, and the first reports from Kendrick’s patrol were unfavorable. The sounds of battle from Shiloh continued to increase in intensity, and rumors of a Union disaster began to spread around Savannah. Someone remarked to Colonel Ammen that his old friend, General C. F. Smith, was upstairs, and the colonel went up the stairway. Upon finding his old comrade, they began chatting. In cheerful spirits, the crippled Smith laughed at the idea of a major battle, claiming that it was simply a large picket fight. The minutes passed as the two men chatted and the firing continued to increase. Finally Smith agreed that perhaps part of Grant’s army might be seriously involved in battle. An orderly knocked on Smith’s door requesting that Colonel Ammen go downstairs to meet with Buell and Nelson.26 Ammen was told that Buell had decided to proceed upstream on a little steamer to talk to Grant, and that Kendrick’s men had returned without finding a useable path. Nelson had managed to locate a Tennessee Unionist who knew the country and had agreed to guide the army to a point opposite Pittsburg Landing.27 According to the guide, the river road was impassable, but there was another route that could be navigated by infantry and cavalry, although not by artillery or baggage.