On to Victory

by Mark Zuehlke

  Within a few days of Westerbork’s liberation, First Canadian Army’s Senior Jewish Chaplain Samuel Cass visited. He conducted a Sabbath service attended by about five hundred inmates. Cass alternated between English for the Dutch Jews and Yiddish for the German Jews. “For them my presence and my address was the final evidence of their liberation, and after the service hundreds passed by to shake my hand and express their gratitude.” Cass told his wife the visit “may be one of the most dramatic memories I shall bring back from the experiences of this war.”25

  WHILE THE RILEYS had been liberating Westerbork, the rest of 4 CIB had pushed about five miles northward to Assen. Essex Scottish Regiment’s ‘B’ Company led, mounted on Fort Garry Horse ‘B’ Squadron Shermans. Not far beyond the Oranjekanaal, the road had been heavily mined, so one Sherman, commanded by Corporal William James MacDonald, probed cautiously forward with two jeeps carrying the Essex’s pioneer platoon close behind. When mines were detected, the pioneers dismounted to lift or detonate them with explosives. From a cluster of trees far ahead, a German soldier fired a Panzerfaust at MacDonald’s tank. Although they saw the round hurtling towards them, the crew was unable to take evasive action before it penetrated the Sherman’s turret and killed MacDonald. As the tank began burning, the rest of the crew bailed out. Three of the men were injured.26

  Burning fuel spilling from the tank spread to the jeeps. Loaded with ammunition and explosives, both jeeps exploded and the pioneers’ commander, Lieutenant M. Sheppard, and eight men were wounded. Corporal George Bradshaw was killed. Despite the pioneer platoon being virtually wiped out, the company and tank squadron continued advancing and, after fighting several brief skirmishes, gained Assen’s outskirts shortly after nightfall.27 From a spot near a bridge that spanned a canal in front of Assen, a machine gun opened up and several men in the lead platoon were hit—including its officer and sergeant. Corporal Leo Nahmabin got the survivors under cover. To locate the gun, Nahmabin strode into the middle of the road. Firing his Sten gun and shouting invectives towards the Germans managed to goad them into betraying their position with a long burst of fire. Nahmabin quickly led the platoon in a charge that eliminated the MG42 position, killing all five crew.28 As usual, the Germans had attempted to demolish the bridge crossing, but the demolitions had failed to drop the span. Under ‘B’ Company’s protective fire, engineers were able to clear away the debris and effect repairs to permit tank traffic. The Essex put a couple of companies across the canal to guard the precious bridge, and 6 CIB awaited the dawn.29

  Brigadier Fred Cabeldu decided during the night not only to take Assen by frontal assault, but at the same time to cut off the German line of retreat northward to Groningen by having the Royal Regiment of Canada sweep around the city’s right flank. In order to get some of the battalion behind Assen quickly, one company was loaded in Kangaroos—M7 Priest self-propelled guns converted into armoured personnel carriers by removing their main weapon and other equipment to accommodate a dozen infantrymen. The battalion headed into the night, leaving Cabeldu fretting at his brigade headquarters because wireless contact was immediately lost. He could only hope the men reached the Assen-Groningen highway in time to achieve their mission.30

  Friday, April 13, dawned fair and warm. After ensuring that the woods on either side of the road approaching the bridge were clear, the Essex’s ‘B’ Company spearheaded the attack on Assen. Lieutenant Earl Thompson’s platoon soon came up against a roadblock flanked on one side by an anti-tank ditch filled with water and on the other by a cement pillbox. The pillbox bristled with machine-gun ports and was protected by wire and slit trenches manned by German paratroops.31 After a brief artillery barrage, the battalion’s Wasps flamed the position.32 The moment the flames ceased jetting from the carriers, Thompson led his men through an “intense crossfire” from slit trenches off to the flank, capturing the pillbox and taking twenty prisoners.33

  The way now open, Lieutenant Colonel K.W. “Ken” MacIntyre sent the entire battalion into the town, supported by the Fort Garry Horse’s ‘B’ Squadron. Resistance was confined to groups of Germans and Dutch paramilitary troops fighting at random from various houses. Although these positions were generally overrun, the sporadic way in which they were manned necessitated checking each building before the infantry and tanks could pass by. The narrow streets were bad for tanks, a fact proven once again that morning when a Panzerfaust round flashed out of an upper-storey window and punched into Sergeant Robert George Finch’s Sherman. The thirty-three-year-old long-time regimental veteran and his gunner, Lance Corporal Frederick William Lockinger, were killed.34 Many Germans chose to surrender rather than fight it out, however, so the Essex were able to work their way through to the city centre with only light casualties.35

  North of Assen, meanwhile, the Royal Regiment had managed to work its way in behind the town and sever the German line of retreat. The part of the move made in darkness had been particularly hairy for Major R.T. “Bob” Suckling’s ‘A’ Company, which had ridden ahead in the Kangaroos. With six miles to cover, time was of the essence, and Suckling had the vehicles race along at thirty miles an hour despite the constant risk of triggering a mine or being ambushed. Passing through the narrow streets of Loon, a Panzerfaust round flashed past the lead Kangaroo and several unseen enemy opened up with small arms. The Kangaroo drivers slammed the pedals to the floor, each vehicle’s Browning machine gun spitting out long bursts of lead as they careened through the village without stopping. It was “quite dark,” wrote the regiment’s historian, “and the wild drive through unknown territory had quite a gay and cavalier touch to it—Blitzkrieg at its colourful best.”

  When ‘D’ Company, with the battalion’s two anti-tank guns and two 17-pounder guns for support, reached Loon, the enemy had flown. By first light the Royals approached the main road at the small village of Peelo, just outside Assen.36 A patrol soon moved south, arriving at a bridge just “at the moment enemy [troops] were in the act of attempting to demolish the structure. Dramatic action was taken here, enemy [troops] being killed at the switches they were about to throw. The [bridge] was saved, thus saving considerable time in the [advance] of the [brigade group].”37

  By the time the Germans decided to quit Assen, the Royals were solidly astride the road, supported by two sections of the Essex’s carrier platoon that had hooked tightly around the town’s right flank. Unaware that the Royals had been sent to pinch off the German retreat, the carriers were attempting the same task. Some 14th Hussars, prowling for trouble, also showed up.38 When the Germans appeared, some were gunned down and the others wisely opted to surrender.

  Cabeldu was elated. “A further dividend to this action was the bag of some 600 PW. . . taken by the Essex and [Royals] in mopping up the town of Assen,” the brigade’s war diarist wrote. “The tactics had been simple, but had clearly taken the enemy by surprise and beaten him. Whilst the Essex . . . kept the enemy situation focused on the main axis by its steady pressure, the [Royals] had cut off his line of withdrawal. This bag was complete and, as subsequently proved, many enemy whose task it was to withdraw and fight other delaying actions on the [road] to Groningen, were taken PW at Assen.”39

  A now familiar scene greeted the Canadians the moment they entered Assen. Captain Robert Meanwell noted that the Essex were “accustomed to warm welcomes by liberated Dutch towns, but the tumultuous reception given by the people of Assen outdid everything previously experienced. Even with small arms fire flying dangerously near, the happy citizens could not be restrained from rushing about tossing flowers at our vehicles and serving refreshments to our men. TAC [tactical headquarters] was set up in the sumptuous town hall, which was situated close to the town jail. The latter was the scene of many heart-rending and dramatic episodes. First the moving scene as the gates burst open releasing 300 Dutch prisoners to the waiting arms of friends. Later the same prison was host to the previous jailers as hundreds of German prisoners were temporarily billeted there for questioning. Th
e full cycle of justice was reached when Dutch collaborators and informers were paraded through the crowds to ponder over their treason in the relative security of the very jail to which they had sent many patriotic Dutchmen. No honest Dutchman shed a tear of sympathy that day. No Canadian, participating now as a spectator, could feel anything but pride for the part his country and regiment had played in once more enthroning decency and justice in the fair city of Assen.”40

  The Fort Garry Horse war diarist was equally touched by the reception, but looked ahead to orders instructing 2nd Division and the tankers to rush on to Groningen—“the last important centre below the sea.” Looking back over the past few days, “the regiment could scarcely believe that so much had been achieved at so little cost. Home seemed very close indeed.”41

  CAPTAIN MEANWELL WAS more realistic. “But the war was not yet over,” he wrote. “Ahead of us lay the largest city in north Holland, Groningen . . . To give the enemy no reprieve or rest, the order of the day was, ‘On to Groningen.’” At 1700 hours, the Essex moved out.42 They no longer led, the Rileys having taken over that duty and going forward mounted in Kangaroos. Running ahead of the Kangaroos to provide protection was ‘B’ Squadron’s No. 3 Troop, commanded by Sergeant Walter Chaulk.43

  The advancing force met no opposition and saw only a few Germans, who immediately fled into the countryside. Not bothering with these stragglers, the Fort Garry Horsemen and Rileys pushed on unopposed for about fifteen miles. At 1600 hours, a signal reached Cabeldu that the force was approaching the outskirts, and Cabeldu instructed them to seize any major road or railway bridges still standing.44

  Grabbing a jeep, Cabeldu, his intelligence officer, and the brigade’s artillery representative raced forward to contact Lieutenant Colonel H.C. Arrell and urge the Rileys on. But even as they set off, it was becoming clear to the infantry and tankers on the sharp end that Groningen’s outskirts were heavily defended. Each forward movement was met by more intense machine-gun and mortar fire. Dozens of roadblocks, largely constructed of logs and boulders, slowed the advance to a crawl—the surrounding area first having to be secured before the infantry battalion’s pioneers and engineers from 2nd Field Company could remove them.

  Cabeldu arrived to find the column backed up for miles—“an amazing sight to behold.” Formed in a long line that the jeep carefully bumped past on the verge were carriers, tanks, Kangaroos, the tractors and guns of 4th Field Regiment—operating well ahead of their normal placement—and anti-tank guns, “all pressing into the city. And down the road going the other direction came the bedraggled, amazed looking Boche.” When Cabeldu’s party contacted Arrell, the brigadier and lieutenant colonel agreed that the Rileys “would put in a planned attack in the outskirts where a number of enemy were keeping up a constant harassing fire with MGs and rifles. It was felt that if this outer crust could be crushed quickly . . . the [defence] of the rest of the city might collapse quickly and . . . the original plan could be followed through before darkness.”45

  On the very tip of the battle column, Sergeant Chaulk’s No. 3 Troop faced a log roadblock that completely barred the highway. It was being heavily defended by Germans armed with a 20-millimetre gun, various small arms, and a number of Panzerfausts. Poorly concealed mines were strewn in front of the roadblock. Spotting the 20-millimetre gun, Chaulk pointed it out to Trooper Fred Butterworth, who snapped off a 75-millimetre round that reduced it to a twisted wreck. Despite the small-arms fire flying around, Chaulk jumped down from the tank. Reeling out a steel cable from the front of the Sherman, Chaulk picked his way through the mines and looped it around the centre log in the roadblock. When the tank backed up, the roadblock collapsed.

  No. 3 Troop continued pressing into Groningen’s outskirts, shooting up two machine-gun positions, destroying five vehicles, and otherwise spreading mayhem as it went.46 Groningen was the largest Dutch city Canadian troops had encountered. A medieval university city, it was the country’s sixth largest, with a normal population of 124,000—now swollen to more than 150,000 by refugees fleeing the fighting to the south. The city’s core was surrounded by a wide ring canal spanned by a dozen bridges—three per geographical side. The inner city’s streets were ancient and narrow, its buildings mostly 15th- and 16th-century, three- to five-storey structures. Beyond the canal, Groningen’s outskirts were also densely populated. The southern approach was dominated by the city’s large railway station and marshalling yard, as well as by an expansive, heavily defended municipal park. Another large park was situated on the western approach. Scattered throughout the city were many churches, water towers, and tall factories providing excellent observation points and firing positions. Cutting across the Canadian line of advance were also numerous canals that had to be crossed before the ring canal could be gained. Groningen was thus ideally suited for defence, and in past weeks its garrison of German troops and Dutch SS had added additional fortifications.47

  No. 3 Troop had no sooner pierced the outskirts and passed by about eight houses than Chaulk’s Sherman took a direct hit from a Panzerfaust. Twenty-three-year-old Trooper Butterworth was killed, and Chaulk severely burned. Despite intense pain, Chaulk shrugged off the efforts of his other three crewmen to evacuate him to the rear until he had pointed out to the infantry where the Panzerfaust round had come from. For his actions throughout the course of April 13, Chaulk was awarded a Military Medal, the citation mentioning that he had maintained the “impetus of the advance” while also killing fifteen Germans and wounding another twelve.48

  Nightfall found the Rileys and Fort Garry horsemen firmly established in the southwest outskirts with two rifle companies pressing on for the bridges, but facing stiffening resistance from machine guns and snipers. The snipers were particularly “taking a comparatively [heavy] toll of our men and making everyone fighting mad. The fighting continued on into the night—fierce hand-to-hand encounters—with our men having to clear every room of four storey [apartments] and even then the snipers would come back again because our [troops] could not occupy so much space . . . As the battle unfolded . . . it became apparent there would be no easy entry into Groningen.” Cabeldu ordered the Royal Regiment up on the right flank of the Rileys because it “was felt the attack should be put in on as many fronts as possible to further confuse the enemy and allow him no time to organize his [defences].”49

  [17]

  Waited So Long

  WHILE 2ND DIVISION had closed on Groningen, to the left 3rd Canadian Infantry Division had likewise dashed towards the North Sea. On the morning of April 12, Major General Holly Keefler had saddled the leading 9th Infantry Brigade on twenty Ram gun-towers borrowed from 6th Canadian Anti-Tank Regiment. Any troops unable to squeeze aboard these ad-hoc armoured personnel carriers piled onto hulls of Sherbrooke Fusiliers tanks or into the gun tractors and trucks of 14th Field Regiment. At 0830 hours, this unusual “cavalcade” rolled north from Raalte towards Zwolle with a screen of 17th Duke of York’s Royal Canadian Hussars armoured cars protecting its front and flanks.

  Progress was slow at first due to roads heavily cratered by German demolitions and blown bridges that had spanned the many narrow canals and drainage ditches. Three miles north of Raalte, the advance stalled entirely before a wide stream’s destroyed bridge. With engineers predicting several hours’ delay constructing a crossing, Brigadier Rocky Rockingham set off in a jeep to find an alternative route. To the east he soon discovered a narrow, light bridge. After he and a couple of other men strengthened it with thick planks, a Sherbrooke tanker “very gingerly . . . eased his massive vehicle out on the span, and across the stream.” Soon the entire tank squadron was across and advancing alongside the Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry Highlanders rifle companies, who had dismounted from vehicles to “scramble over [the stream] in typical infantry manner.”1

  Closing on Heino, the Glens were approached repeatedly by Dutch civilians offering confused and contradictory reports on German strength within the village. Some said two hundred, others a hand
ful possessing no heavy weapons, while a few declared it abandoned.2 In the end, Heino proved lightly held. From the village’s church steeple, the Germans were able to direct accurate artillery and mortar fire onto the Glens as they approached. A couple of self-propelled guns also weighed in with direct fire. But despite this opposition, ‘A’ and ‘D’ Companies cleared the village at a cost of two Glens killed.3

  By 1510, the remounted column was through Heino and bound for Zwolle. Rather than make directly for the city, Rockingham decided to give it a wide berth for the moment and cross the OverIJsselsch Canal five miles to the east in front of Dalfsen.4 Two miles past Heino, a smaller canal—Kanaaldijk-Noord—cut across the column’s route. Hoping its bridge might still be intact, the column embarked on “a wild ride” and arrived to find it, save one girder, destroyed. As the pioneers began removing explosive charges, ‘B’ Company “swarmed across at the double and took up position at the crossroads just beyond the Kanaal.” To the northeast of the crossroads was a relatively large forest in which a growing number of Germans were mustering. The Glens’ Lieutenant Colonel Neil Gemmel positioned ‘C’ Company in some buildings right of the road and facing the woods, with ‘D’ Company to the left of the road among some farm buildings positioned on either side of a raised berm. ‘A’ Company was directed past ‘B’ Company into a smaller wood, separated from the larger forest by open fields.

  While the Glens established the bridgehead across the canal, the tanks and other vehicles waited for the engineers to repair the bridge. As soon as the engineers set to work, however, the Germans started shelling and mortaring the site. The fire was so accurate and disruptive the structure was quickly nicknamed “Salvo Bridge.” As night drew in, the only vehicle the Glens had north of the canal was a jeep they had physically manhandled across.5