On to Victory

by Mark Zuehlke

  Back of the front lines, a peacetime atmosphere developed. Nijkerk became the battalion’s rest centre, “with movies, games, canteen, shower baths, and clean dry clothing available, and daily ten men from each company went back . . . on a 24-hour pass.” Barneveld likewise served 2nd Brigade.8 In this bizarre quasi peace, I Canadian Corps awaited word as to whether their war was truly to be soon done or they must once more advance to take western Holland by force.

  ON APRIL 22, Field Marshal Montgomery issued his last campaign directive. Twenty-First Army Group was “to capture Emden, Bremen, Hamburg, and Lübeck, and to clean up all German territory north of this general line.” Second British Army would carry Bremen, clear the Cuxhaven peninsula, secure a bridgehead over the lower Elbe, and capture Lübeck to “seal off the Schleswig peninsula.” Operating under British command, XVIII U.S. Airborne Corps—including 6th British Airborne Division and its 1st Canadian Parachute Battalion—would guard the army’s right flank. Second Army’s final operation would be to occupy Hamburg and Kiel in a thrust that would clear “all German territory north to the frontier with Denmark.”

  First Canadian Army received very specific directives. In western Netherlands, I Canadian Corps would “not for the present operate further westward than the general line now held east of Amersfoort. Further instructions will be issued if it should become necessary, later on, to attack the Germans in western Holland and to liberate that area.” II Canadian Corps, meanwhile, would guard the Second Army’s left flank by advancing alongside it into northern Germany.9 With General Harry Crerar having left the day before for medical treatment of a shoulder complication, Lieutenant General Guy Simonds again temporarily commanded the army.10 Montgomery told him to assault Oldenburg, while advancing south of it to maintain contact with Second Army’s drive on Bremen. The Canadians must also capture the ports of Wilhelmshaven and Emden, clearing the Germans out of the peninsula between the Ems and Weser rivers.11

  Simonds retained his corps command while also heading the army, because with I Canadian Corps largely inactive, he need only concern himself with the divisions fighting in northern Holland and Germany.12 The corps sprawled across a wide frontage that spanned all northern Holland from the coast to the German border and then seventy miles east of that. Save the Delfzijl Pocket area on the northeastern coast, all of northern Holland was liberated, and the job of collapsing the pocket was to be carried out by 5th Canadian Armoured Division.

  As Major General Bert Hoffmeister’s division was still en route to the region, 3rd Division was instructed to bring pressure on the Germans inside the pocket until relieved. Once Major General Holly Keefler handed off to Hoffmeister, 3rd Division would move to Germany, clear the ground west of the Ems River, then force a crossing at Leer, and advance up the river’s east bank to Emden. Simonds wanted 3rd Division to get across the Ems River quickly, so that 1st Polish Armoured Division could then sideslip to advance on a northeasterly axis parallel to 4th Canadian Armoured Division’s right-hand hook from Bad Zwischenahn east to Oldenburg. Guarding Second Army’s left flank, 2nd Division would also approach Oldenburg from the south.13

  The multiplicity of tasks facing the Canadians presented endless challenges. The Delfzijl Pocket was particularly worrisome. It was heavily fortified and protected from direct attack out of the south by extensive flooding. On April 20, 3rd Division’s 7th Infantry Brigade had attempted to push in the outer defences with a pincer attack on either side of the inundations. The Regina Rifles and Royal Winnipeg Rifles advanced on the western flank, while the Canadian Scottish Regiment approached from the southeast.14

  Hugging the bank of the Ems Estuary, the Reginas slopped through polders riven with ditches and canals over which all bridges were blown. In the distance they could see Germans retreating, but overtaking them was impossible. Periodically, the big guns on Borkum Island in the estuary’s mouth fired salvoes that caused no casualties, but the massive explosions put the men on edge. Occasionally, the batteries across the estuary by Emden and those around Delfzijl churned the ground around them with high-calibre shells. As April 21 drew to a close, the Reginas met their first real opposition at Spijk—its defenders subjecting them to heavy mortar fire. Behind the village, the men could see the fortifications surrounding Delfzijl and reported that it “may prove a hard nut to crack if the enemy elects to fight.”15

  South of the Reginas, the Winnipeg Regiment had advanced at dawn on April 21 with the armoured cars of the 17th Duke of York’s Royal Canadian Hussars. Lieutenant Colonel Lochie Fulton had developed a careful route for reaching the battalion’s objective of Appingedam but found it barred by blown bridges. The companies and supporting Hussars began weaving along narrow lanes and tracks in “a continuous trial and effort against bad conditions of ground and well-sited defences.”16 Still, by nightfall, they closed on the town. Appingedam, with its population of about seven thousand, stood on the opposite side of a canal whose bridge lay collapsed in the water. As the armoured cars closed on the canal, several were knocked out by anti-tank guns. At this point in the war, Fulton was reluctant to lose men over the pocket, so he hoped to find a bridge, cross over, and surprise the Germans in the town into surrendering.

  Night patrols turned up a single rickety bridge, which ‘A’ Company slipped over at dawn with ‘C’ Company close behind.17 “Blown bridges, snipers and MGSs make the going very difficult. Our [casualties] are becoming very [heavy],” the regiment’s war diarist recorded. It took all day to gain Appingedam’s outskirts. Facing them was a large brickyard, and ‘A’ Company counted seventy to a hundred Germans dug in along rail tracks running east from it. How many Germans were in the brickyard was unknown. Fulton deployed searchlights on the canal’s western bank and used them to blind the Germans for ninety minutes. At 0500 hours, the lights snapped off, and the rifle companies attacked. A fierce fight developed in and around the brickyard, but as Fulton had hoped, the Germans had been caught by surprise and more than one hundred soon surrendered. By late afternoon, the town was taken.18

  Six men had died, and among the wounded was the popular ‘A’ Company officer Major D.B. Robertson.19 By 2215 hours on the evening of April 23, the battalion, along with the Reginas, was relieved by the Perth Regiment.20

  South of Delfzijl, the Canadian Scottish had expected their objective of Wagenborgen could easily be taken by a single company. Major Anthony Compton-Lundie’s ‘D’ Company had approached the village in the dark morning hours of April 21. Funnelled by ditches and canals onto a narrow lane, they encountered a series of roadblocks “covered by machine-gun and 20-[millimetre] gun fire as well as plenty of mortar and artillery support.”

  Lieutenant Colonel Larry Henderson had Compton-Lundie hold on the village’s outskirts until he could send the anti-tank, carrier, and mortar platoons forward. When the company advanced behind these platoons’ covering fire, they met an enemy that clearly “knew the area like the back of his palm.” The leading platoon, under Sergeant J.E. Dodd, used the cover of a deep ditch next to the main road to close on the village. As the platoon gained the first buildings, a Wasp raced forward to assist. Running over a mine, the Wasp’s fuel ignited—“burning both occupants to a crisp. Our platoon suffered quite heavy casualties, and upon coming up to about 150 yards of our objective, there were only eight of us left. We went to ground . . . after having two men shot through the head who were operating the Bren gun.” At nightfall, the Germans surrounded Dodd and his remaining men, forcing them to surrender. ‘D’ Company had taken a mauling. Not only was Dodd’s platoon lost, but the tactical headquarters set up in an old barn had been pounded by artillery and engulfed in flames. Compton-Lundie was among several other officers and men killed or wounded by the shelling. In all, the Can Scots lost fourteen killed, twenty-one wounded, and fifteen missing and presumed captured.

  ‘D’ Company’s losses reverberated through the battalion, and the “complacent attitude . . . brought on by the long advances against little opposition . . . quickly t
ransformed into a rock-hard determination to make the enemy regret his action.” Sending the shattered company back to form a reserve, Henderson brought the rest of the battalion up to the edge of the village during the night. In the morning, he briefed his officers. The Germans undoubtedly expected an early attack, but Henderson decided to let them fester through the day and then strike behind a mortar and artillery barrage at 2300 hours. ‘A’ Company would attack from the west, ‘B’ Company the southwest, and ‘C’ Company was to come up on the eastern outskirts to cut off the retreat.

  As the artillery lifted, ‘A’ Company struck out across open fields towards the village and was immediately struck by withering fire, proving the Germans were unimpressed by Henderson’s plan. Casualties mounted, but the company gained the edge of Wagenborgen. Men were just starting to board up windows and pile furniture behind doors in a couple of houses to fortify them when the Germans counterattacked. Company commander Captain S.L. Chambers saw a “whole platoon of [Germans coming] down the road in single file and the first dozen were mowed down at about a 10-yard range by No. 9 Platoon. Another party of Germans set fire to one of the two houses occupied by No. 7 Platoon, forcing Corporal Barra’s section to withdraw to the other house. This party of Germans made the mistake of getting too close to the glow of the burning house and were picked off by No. 8 Platoon.”

  While ‘A’ Company was repulsing the counterattack, ‘B’ Company had gained the village by stealth, and at dawn both companies started putting the squeeze on. Two hundred Germans soon broke out of the village and moved directly towards ‘C’ Company’s ambush site. No. 15 Platoon allowed the Germans to practically close on it before the men opened fire with four Bren guns and fifteen rifles. “The enemy was caught flat-footed and paid for it.” Platoon commander Sergeant B.C. Parson advised over the wireless that the area immediately right of the company was a perfect “killing ground” for the battalion’s mortars. Moments later, mortar rounds started exploding and the “eastern approaches to Wagenborgen became a death trap to the enemy.”

  As this slaughter was underway, another large German force moving to the north of the village was brought under artillery fire, creating the unintended effect of driving them into Wagenborgen. ‘A’ Company was immediately surrounded and fighting “against heavy odds.” Henderson told the company commanders in the village that he was sending tanks—surprise news, as divisional headquarters had said there were none on offer. Fortuitously, however, a squadron of 5th Division’s Governor General’s Horse Guards had arrived earlier than expected to relieve the Can Scots and now sent a troop to help the infantrymen.

  As the lead tank closed on the village, however, it was knocked out. Turning left rather than right, the three survivors trundled into a German ambush and two were set on fire by Panzerfausts. The survivor fled, leaving it to the Can Scots to win their battle alone. Wagenborgen was filling with Germans pouring in from the north, so ‘A’ Company’s Captain Chambers and ‘B’ Company’s Major Earl English directed artillery down all around their positions. Thinking the Germans were “too disorganized to be putting in a counterattack, [English] decided to hold fire until they were in an open field on our left flank which they would have to pass through. Five Brens and two 2-inch mortars were set up and as the enemy entered the field at least 90 percent were killed or wounded, the rest being taken prisoner.”

  Repeatedly, ‘A’ Company added to the toll by holding fire until the Germans were just yards from their fortified buildings. Then they tore into them with deadly accuracy. Late in the afternoon, the remnants of ‘D’ Company dashed through enemy fire to deliver badly needed ammunition and food. Soon thereafter the balance tipped, and by nightfall the village was in Canadian hands. In the early morning of April 24, the Irish Regiment of Canada relieved the Can Scots.

  Despite the bitterness of the fighting, losses for the three companies engaged on April 23 proved surprisingly light—just five killed and ten wounded. German losses were estimated at two hundred killed, wounded, or taken prisoner. “Battle trained and hardened veterans, even with a good sprinkling of new reinforcements among them, [proved] more than a match for the quality of troops the enemy had at his disposal,” the Can Scots’ regimental historian concluded.21

  WHILE 3RD DIVISION’S 7th Brigade had been opening operations against the Delfzijl Pocket, 8th Brigade had embarked upon the task of clearing the west bank of the Ems River. This was a required first step to enable the division to force a river crossing at Leer and free 1st Polish Armoured Division for its move to the northeast. The Rheiderland Peninsula west of the Ems River was typical polder country, “flat farmland with dyke roads, the surrounding ground being impassable to vehicles of any sort. Consequently it [was] necessary to ‘plug away’ along the available roads. Craters had [to be] filled or bridged under the most unpleasant conditions, for the enemy knew his ground well and most of the passable routes had been fully registered by his heavy coastal guns.”22

  The North Shore (New Brunswick) Regiment had started things off on April 22 at 1400, advancing out of Brual on a short hop to Diele—about one and a half miles distant. The 13th and 14th Field Regiments were shelling suspected German positions and the village, as ‘A’ Company led with three Crocodile flame-thrower tanks in support. Once ‘A’ Company reached its assigned objective, ‘C’ Company would pass through, and in turn ‘B’ Company would later move to the column’s head.23 Just beyond the start line, a Crocodile hit a “mat of mines. One crew man got out, one was burned to death, and two more were trapped.” Despite the flames and exploding ammunition, Sergeant Wes Chambers and Private Arnold Astle dragged the British tankers out of the wreckage, including one man with severely burned legs. After this mishap, the rest of the advance proceeded without incident. By 1700 hours, the battalion was digging in west of Diele.24

  At 2200 hours, the Queen’s Own Rifles moved through and headed out into the darkness. The only opposition met came from artillery, which dogged the companies throughout the advance. There were no casualties until ‘C’ Company entered the hamlet of Holthusen at 0200 hours the next morning. As the shelling increased, several snipers opened fire. One man was killed before the hamlet was cleared. The battalion started sweeping the surrounding countryside and lost another man to a sniper. Repeatedly, large groups of men rushed the Canadians, arms raised and waving. Rather than German soldiers surrendering, these proved to be French, Russian, and Polish POWs forced to work as labourers for the German farmers. “Some had been in captivity since 1939. All were very happy.”25

  Lieutenant Colonel Steve Lett was anything but, this day. Under orders to take two weeks’ leave in England, he reluctantly turned command over to Major Elliott Dalton. Both knew the war would likely be over before Lett returned, and leaving his men to fight through to the end without him seemed wrong.26

  Left of the QOR’s advance, Le Régiment de la Chaudière had advanced through the early morning hours of April 23 to a set of railway tracks five hundred yards east of Bunde at 0830 hours. Both battalions were within two miles of Weener, the French Canadians facing it from due west and the QOR the southwest. At 1100 hours, the North Shores passed the latter battalion and headed in.27 No. 1 Troop of the Sherbrooke Fusiliers’ ‘A’ Squadron provided support.28

  During the Orders Group preceding the attack, Major Blake Oulton had pleaded for a planned artillery bombardment to be delayed because his ‘C’ Company could never reach the start line on schedule. Lieutenant Colonel Neil Gordon had airily dismissed Oulton’s concerns.29

  By the time ‘C’ Company advanced at 1045 hours, the artillery had been silent for fifteen minutes. Sniper fire plagued the infantry, while the tanks were repeatedly held up by large craters blown into the road. At 1100 hours, a heavy artillery piece opened up from a hidden position, but combined fire from the tanks and supporting field regiment silenced it. Shortly after noon, the force reached Weener’s outskirts.30 Out in front, Lieutenant Jack McKenna’s platoon had an entire section killed or wo
unded by Panzerfaust volleys. The Germans fired the Panzerfausts high so the bombs would strike buildings on either side of the North Shores to shower them with fragments of brick and steel. Seeing McKenna’s platoon taking a beating, Oulton ordered it pulled back. As the platoon withdrew, McKenna had to carry Sergeant Joe Hennigar out piggyback style because he had taken shrapnel in the posterior. Once the men were clear, Oulton called down a heavy barrage, which broke the resistance. When the attack began again, more than a hundred Germans surrendered. Most were marines and other naval personnel. 31

  The first days of fighting in the Rheiderland peninsula set the tone for 8th Brigade’s operations here. Each day, the battalions pushed farther north. On April 24, the North Shores cleared Bingum, which stood across the river from Leer—3rd Division’s gateway to the eastern bank and the launching point for its drive on Emden. After another three days, in which infantry and tanks were repeatedly brought to a near standstill by extensive road cratering and deliberate flooding, the peninsula was finally declared secure. On April 27, the QOR reached the peninsula’s north coast, taking the fishing villages of Pogum and Ditzam. While approaching Ditzam, ‘D’ Company became badly separated and its platoons ended up disorganized. As a single section entered the village, its sergeant was challenged by two German sentries armed with Schmeissers. The section leader raised his pistol and demanded that the Germans surrender, and their machine pistols clattered to the ground. “On being asked if there were more of their comrades in the house, they declared that there were only civilians. The [sergeant] entered and brought out the ‘civilians’—15 of them, complete with steel helmets, uniforms, and kit.” The rest of the Germans in the two towns surrendered with little fuss, and by day’s end the battalion had rounded up five hundred prisoners.32