An Introduction to the Geography of Tourism

by Nelson, Velvet;

  Figure 7.4. Michelangelo’s David is considered the most famous statue in the world. Today, the original is housed in the Galleria dell’Accademia in Florence, Italy. But, for the thousands of tourists who don’t want to wait to get inside, they can view a copy of the statue in its original location in the Piazza della Signoria. (Source: Velvet Nelson)

  All destinations must try to offset the real or perceived barriers with the resources it has to offer. Claiming that a destination is a cosmopolitan center with a distinctly local (not big-city) character is a widely used strategy in urban tourism. Cities of various sizes across the globe have made this case, whether it’s Santa Fe, New Mexico (which “has all the markings of a cosmopolitan city in its offering of art, culture, and cuisine, but still has a small-town feel”4), or Toronto, Canada (“From cosmopolitan chic to country charm, Toronto’s neighbourhoods offer an eclectic mix of architecture, food and shopping”5).

  Rural Geography and Tourism

  Many of the issues raised in rural geography apply to the geography of tourism in rural areas as well. Understanding the rural ideal—what it is and why it is appealing—is vital in tourism. Much of this is geographically contingent. In large countries with vast areas of undeveloped land, such as the United States or Canada, interest in rural tourism has more often focused on the wild lands protected as national parks. As such, there may be considerable overlap between natural tourism resources and rural ones. Conversely, in smaller countries with extensive cultivated landscapes, such as those in Europe, there is a greater appreciation for experiences in settings that combine natural and human resources. For example, natural resources, ranging from clean air to open spaces, are extraordinarily important in creating the foundation for these tourism products. Yet, these products are often oriented around rural economic activities. Farm tourism, in particular, has been immensely popular.

  Rural tourism serves as an umbrella for a diverse set of more specialized tourism products. Although the extent of resources is, perhaps, less varied than in urban areas, each resource is used in a specific way to meet the demands of a particular group of tourists. For example, both farm tourism and wine tourism are based on agricultural production, but tourists interested in farm stays are different from tourists interested in vineyard tours and wine tastings (figure 7.5). Each experience is considered unique; these tourists often participate in the same activities at different farms or estates. Similarly, the tremendous geographic scale of rural areas means that activities are often time consuming, and tourists only have the opportunity to experience a part of the landscape. If they are satisfied with this experience, they may be interested in returning to experience more. In fact, rural tourists often develop an attachment to place based on their experiences that lead them to return to the same places over and over again. This may become a factor in tourists’ decisions to purchase or build a second home in their preferred rural settings (e.g., a country house or a lake house).

  While the diversity of activities has the potential to appeal to different tourist markets, rural tourism draws almost exclusively from leisure tourists; opportunities to receive business tourists are far more restricted than in urban areas. Rural tourism businesses are more likely to be locally owned, but they are also more likely to operate on a small scale. Rural tourism also tends to be highly seasonal in nature. The majority of these activities take place out-of-doors, and they may be dependent on the stages of agricultural production (e.g., planting or harvest).

  Box 7.2. Case Study: A Bit of Both Worlds in Vancouver, Canada

  Some destinations are a natural fit with either urban or rural tourism products. Tourists who visit New York City are clearly interested in experiencing all that the city has to offer, from the lights and busy streets of Times Square to the high-end shopping of Fifth Avenue to the nightlife of East Village. In contrast, tourists who visit Maine will be primarily interested in experiencing the state’s rural character, from small towns and villages to pick-your-own orchards to scenic drives. Yet, not all destinations are this clear-cut. In fact, many places around the world thrive on their ability to offer visitors experiences of both urban and rural attractions and opportunities to participate in activities in both urban and rural areas.

  Vancouver, Canada’s third-largest city, is an urban destination that claims attractions rivaling other such destinations. As one of the country’s cultural centers, the city has many cultural resources for tourism, from the performing arts to festivals. Vancouver’s high level of ethnic diversity gives the city a unique character and provides many of its attractions. Various museums and art galleries highlight elements of First Nations culture. Vibrant ethnic neighborhoods, such as Chinatown and the Punjabi Market, bring in visitors with distinctive shops and restaurants as well as temples (Buddhist and Sikh, respectively) and special events like the Chinese New Year celebration or Vaisakhi, an ancient harvest festival that originated in northern India. Other urban tourism resources can be found at Robson Street, the city’s premier shopping district with popular, high-end, and boutique stores, and Granville Street, the main entertainment district with its concentration of bars and nightclubs. Many of these popular urban districts can be explored on foot; however, many visitors choose to utilize the “Big Bus”—the city’s fleet of vintage double-decker and open-top sightseeing buses. The hop-on, hop-off tour allows visitors to maximize their time and visit up to twenty-two of the city’s best-known attractions.

  Yet, despite all of these resources and potential, tourists rarely visit Vancouver solely for the purpose of urban tourism. In fact, some of Vancouver’s most frequently visited attractions are not within the urban center but just outside of the city. Some of these attractions, based on a range of physical and human resources, can be reached within an hour or two; some can be reached in as little as fifteen minutes from downtown. Promoted rural tourism activities consist of visits to farms, farmers markets, and wineries, as well as scenic drives along the Sea-to-Sky Highway and in the Okanagan Valley during the fall colors season. Hiking trails surround the city, from the popular site of the Capilano Suspension Bridge to Grouse Mountain, and many farther afield. Fort Langley National Historic Site, twenty-four miles from the city, pays homage to the province’s heritage at the site of a Hudson’s Bay Company trading post, originally constructed in 1827, through reconstructed facilities and demonstrations. And, certainly, the area around Vancouver is a well-known destination for winter sports, highlighted by the city’s selection as the host site for the 2010 Olympic Games.

  The destination’s promotional literature makes the most of this dual character. In just one example, the provincial tourism authority Tourism BC claims: “Renowned for its scenic beauty and endless opportunities for outdoor activities, Vancouver is also a cosmopolitan city with all the urban amenities—fine dining, shopping, museums, galleries, music and theatre.”1 This shows potential tourists the city’s range of resources, which appeals to a wide tourist market and creates an attractive idea of a distinct place. Thus, unlike tourists visiting other major urban areas, those visiting Vancouver come with the expectation of experiencing more than just an urban destination.

  Map 7.1. Vancouver, British Columbia. This Canadian destination has the resources that allow tourists to participate in both urban tourism in the downtown district and rural tourism in the surrounding area. (Source: XNR Productions)

  Discussion topic: Take and argue a position: do you think urban and rural tourism are compatible or incompatible tourism products?

  Tourism on the web: Tourism Vancouver, “Vancouver: Spectacular by Nature” at http://www.tourismvancouver.com/

  Note

  1. Tourism BC, “Vancouver Things to Do,” accessed February 1, 2012, http://www.hellobc.com/vancouver/things-to-do.aspx.

  Some of the greatest issues in rural tourism relate to accessibility. With the exception of vast publicly owned spaces, found in areas such as the western United States, much of the rural landscape is privately owned. Even wh
en some owners are willing to give tourists access to their land, activities may be disrupted or even rendered impossible by owners who don’t permit access. Second, rural areas are generally less connected than urban ones. It may be more difficult and more time consuming to reach these places, and it is dependent on transportation. Areas that aren’t served by public transportation, such as a rail network, must be reached by personal vehicles. This becomes a form of social exclusion, where certain social groups such as the poor segments of the population aren’t able to participate.

  Figure 7.5. The rural landscape—such as this scene from wine country in Napa Valley, California—provides an attractive setting for recreation. (Source: Velvet Nelson)

  Political Geography and Tourism

  Traditionally, political geography has focused on the study of the spatial structure of states and their struggle for territory and resources. Political geography has existed as an academic study for more than a hundred years, but the changes it has experienced over the years reflect changes in both the field of geography and the world. Today, globalization has become one of the greatest processes of change in the world and requires new ways of looking at the policies of and connections between places. Thus, we might consider political geography to be the study of the ways states relate to each other in a globalized world. Clearly this topical branch overlaps with others in human geography, namely economic and social geography but also urban geography.

  Studies in tourism have considered the political factors in tourism; however, few studies have focused on the geography of political factors in tourism. Examinations of tourism from the perspective of political geography have primarily considered the relationship between national identity and tourism.6 Yet, there are various ways we can examine the policies that shape tourism through the framework of geography.

  So far, we have primarily considered tourism resources as those components of a destination’s environment that have the potential to provide the basis for tourism attractions, but we can also consider those factors that have the potential to facilitate tourism. For the most part, this applies to political tourism resources. A government’s policies at the national, regional, or local scale have the potential to shape tourism development. The public sector may determine which areas will be targeted for development. For example, in the 1970s, the Mexican government selected the state of Quintana Roo to be the site of the country’s first master-planned resort: Cancún.7 The public sector can support tourism development by investing in the construction or upgrade of basic infrastructure (e.g., transportation facilities, electricity, water and sewage supply, etc.) and protection of the appropriate resources (e.g., natural, cultural, heritage, etc.). It may also offer tax breaks or subsidies to encourage private sector investment in the tourism industry. At the same time, a government can create barriers to tourism development through bureaucratic red tape.

  A stable political environment can also be considered a tourism resource or an important precondition for tourism. Conversely, an unstable political environment will present a barrier to tourism. Although some of the most intrepid drifters may be undeterred from traveling in a potentially volatile country, most tourists will avoid any destination that is unstable or that they perceive to be unstable—at least until the situation changes. At best, they may find their vacation disrupted; at worst, they may find themselves caught up in the middle of a conflict. Early in 2011, some four thousand European tourists were forced to cut short their vacations in Tunisia, a popular Mediterranean destination. This was due to unexpected protests and riots that marked the beginning of the Arab Awakening. Shortly thereafter, many governments around the world issued warnings for their citizens to avoid all nonessential travel to the country.8

  Good international relations between countries and open entry policies, such as eliminating visa requirements for some or all inbound international tourists, can improve accessibility and facilitate the movement that is a fundamental component of tourism. In particular, open borders can be advantageous for tourism. The Schengen Area is a “borderless” region encompassing twenty-six European countries, primarily European Union members. Tourists entering the Schengen Area must pass through border control, but any international travel within the area can be done without undergoing these procedures. This greatly facilitates ease of travel, both for international tourists who are citizens of any of the member countries and for other tourists traveling in the area.

  In some cases, poor relations between two countries will simply restrict travel from one to the other but not necessarily have an adverse impact on the industry as a whole. For example, American policies have restricted travel to Cuba (to varying degrees depending on the administration) since the Cuban Revolution; thus, the island has been deprived of this potentially large tourist market with a good relative location. Yet, Cuba’s tourism industry attracts approximately two million visitors a year from Canada and Mexico, as well as from countries in South America and Europe. Of course, the “forbidden” nature of tourism may generate tourist visits, even with the threat of fines and/or imprisonment. However, the tourism industry will be seriously affected in a country that has been widely sanctioned by the international community for its policies and actions. At the same time, tourists from that country may also experience problems traveling abroad (see box 7.3).

  Box 7.3. Experience: Traveling on an African Passport

  I was born in Zimbabwe. I am fortunate to have had the opportunity to travel quite a bit, but I wasn’t prepared for what I had to go through on this particular trip. At the time, I was living in Harare, the capital, and after a very stressful period at work, I was ready to leave with my girlfriend on a well-deserved Christmas holiday to the United Kingdom to meet my girlfriend’s family.

  I had chosen to fly on Ethiopian Airways, as I had heard good things about the service, and they offered 40 kg baggage allowance! I decided to fly through Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia and hub of the airline, and spend the night there. We could have gone on directly to England, but I wanted to get another stamp in my passport and experience that part of Africa. We waited over an hour and a half for the bus to take us to our hotel. Coming from Zimbabwe, where we have a lot of poverty and suffering, I was amazed and slightly horrified that, in a twenty-minute bus journey, most of what I saw was shanties and squalor. Things didn’t improve, as it turns out that all three-star hotels are not created equal—the showers didn’t work, the roof was falling down in places, and the bed was horrendously uncomfortable. Coupled with a 4 a.m. wake-up call for our flight and some rather odd ideas of what constitutes decent food in Ethiopia, it was not an auspicious start to our holiday.

  Our next flight, full of East and Central Africans heading off for their Christmas holidays, took us through Rome. We touched down at Rome International for a quick layover to collect more passengers, and that’s where the fun really started. A forty-five-minute layover suddenly became a lot longer. We were told there was a problem with the engine—but it would be fixed shortly. Two hours later, with no more explanation, some of the passengers started to get a little rowdy. The flight attendants served dinner and drinks, and more time passed. Having watched the technicians shine flashlights into the engine for several hours, we were beginning to think that the engine was not as fixable as the attendants said. At this stage, there was a volatile mix of Christmas spirit, alcoholic spirit, and a healthy dose of African spirit. We declared that we wanted the captain to come out and explain exactly what the problem was and how long it was going to take to fix. It was suddenly announced that we would be allowed to enter the airport terminal, and everyone deplaned with great alacrity.

  Inside the terminal we were met by a very courteous Ethiopian Airways agent who told us that the plane had an engine fault which would be fixed in a few hours when the part arrived from Switzerland. While they didn’t think it would take too long, the airline would put us all up in a hotel for the night. In the meantime, we were to separate: European Union, Ame
rican, and Australian passport holders on one side and all other passports on the other. The reason was that the first group was legally allowed to enter Italian soil without visas, so they would go to the hotel first. The rest of us, mainly African passport holders, would follow once the airline cleared it with Italian immigration.

  My girlfriend travels on a British passport, so she was in the first group to leave for the hotel. She didn’t want to leave without me and offered to stay. But I am a gentleman, so I told her to go ahead, get a nice room, and I would join her as soon as I could. She gave me her pillow and left with all the other First World citizens for a four-star hotel in Rome. There were about eighty Africans from various countries left waiting hopefully for our bus to take us to the hotel. We were very tired now; from the 4 a.m. wake-up call, it was now 9 p.m., and there was no airline representative to be seen. Upon asking the immigration personnel, we

  were informed that the Ethiopian Airways desk was on the other side of the terminal—but we couldn’t go there because we didn’t have visas. Several passengers demanded to be let through or bring a representative to us. This was actually a difficult process; the passengers’ English was fragmented, at best, and the Italian immigration officials barely spoke any English.

  By this time, we were all very irritated and handwrote a petition signed by all present that our human rights had been infringed upon. When the airline representative finally returned, she was given our complaint. She explained that we would not be able to leave the airport, as we did not have visas. We would, however, be given food and drinks and allowed to call someone should we wish, but we would have to stay in the terminal for the night. This announcement nearly resulted in a riot. The food was a measly sandwich and cold beverage. Having left tropical Africa in the morning, we were wearing light clothes, but the terminal in Italy on a frosty December night was close to freezing. And, of course, our luggage was still on the plane. The chairs in the terminal all had solid armrests, so we couldn’t lie down. I eventually pulled four solid wooden chairs together in the dining area and slept fitfully till about 5 a.m. At that time, the cleaning staff started to arrive, turned on the lights, and woke those of us who were trying to sleep.