Lord Byron - Delphi Poets Series
Page 101
FRANCESCA OF RIMINI
FROM THE INFERNO OF DANTE.
CANTO THE FIFTH.
“The Land where I was born sits by the Seas
Upon that shore to which the Po descends,
With all his followers, in search of peace.
Love, which the gentle heart soon apprehends,
Seized him for the fair person which was ta’en
From me, and me even yet the mode offends.
Love, who to none beloved to love again
Remits, seized me with wish to please, so strong,
That, as thou see’st, yet, yet it doth remain.
Love to one death conducted us along, 10
But Caina waits for him our life who ended:”
These were the accents uttered by her tongue. —
Since I first listened to these Souls offended,
I bowed my visage, and so kept it till —
‘What think’st thou?’ said the bard; when I unbended,
And recommenced: ‘Alas! unto such ill
How many sweet thoughts, what strong ecstacies,
Led these their evil fortune to fulfill!’
And then I turned unto their side my eyes,
And said, ‘Francesca, thy sad destinies 20
Have made me sorrow till the tears arise.
But tell me, in the Season of sweet sighs,
By what and how thy Love to Passion rose,
So as his dim desires to recognize?’
Then she to me: ‘The greatest of all woes
Is to remind us of our happy days
In misery, and that thy teacher knows.
But if to learn our Passion’s first root preys
Upon thy spirit with such Sympathy,
I will do even as he who weeps and says. 30
We read one day for pastime, seated nigh,
Of Lancilot, how Love enchained him too.
We were alone, quite unsuspiciously.
But oft our eyes met, and our Cheeks in hue
All o’er discoloured by that reading were;
But one point only wholly us o’erthrew;
When we read the long-sighed-for smile of her,
To be thus kissed by such devoted lover,
He, who from me can be divided ne’er,
Kissed my mouth, trembling in the act all over: 40
Accurséd was the book and he who wrote!
That day no further leaf we did uncover.’
While thus one Spirit told us of their lot,
The other wept, so that with Pity’s thralls
I swooned, as if by Death I had been smote,
And fell down even as a dead body falls.”
March 20, 1820.
FRANCESCA DA RIMINI.
DANTE, L’INFERNO.
CANTO QUINTO.
‘Siede la terra dove nata fui
Sulla marina, dove il Po discende
Per aver pace co’ seguaci sui.
Amor, che al cor gentil ratto s’apprende,
Prese costui della bella persona
Che mi fu tolta, e il modo ancor m’ offende.
Amor, che a nullo amato amar perdona,
Mi prese del costui piacer si forte,
Che, come vedi, ancor non mi abbandona.
Amor condusse noi ad una morte: 10
Caino attende chi vita ci spense.’
Queste parole da lor ci fur porte.
Da che io intesi quelle anime offense
Chinai ‘l viso, e tanto il tenni basso,
Finchè il Poeta mi disse: ‘Che pense?’
Quando risposi, cominciai: ‘O lasso!
Quanti dolci pensier, quanto disio
Menò costoro al doloroso passo!’
Poi mi rivolsi a loro, e parla’ io,
E cominciai: ‘Francesca, i tuoi martiri 20
A lagrimar mi fanno tristo e pio.
Ma dimmi: al tempo de’ dolci sospiri
A che e come concedette Amore,
Che conoscesti i dubbiosi desiri?’
Ed ella a me: ‘Nessun maggior dolore
Che ricordarsi del tempo felice
Nella miseria; e ciò sa il tuo dottore.
Ma se a conoscer la prima radice
Del nostro amor tu hai cotanto affetto
Farò come colui che piange e dice. 30
Noi leggevamo un giorno per diletto
Di Lancelotto, come Amor lo strinse:
Soli eravamo, e senza alcun sospetto.
Per più fiate gli occhi ci sospinse
Quella lettura, e scolorocci il viso:
Ma solo un punto fu quel che ci vinse.
Quando leggemmo il disiato riso
Esser baciato da cotanto amante,
Questi, che mai da me non fia diviso,
La bocca mi baciò tutto tremante: 40
Galeotto fu il libro, e chi lo scrisse —
Quel giorno più non vi leggemmo avante
Mentre che l’uno spirto questo disse,
L’altro piangeva sì che di pietade
Io venni meno cos com’ io morisse;
E caddi, come corpo morto cade.
DRAMAS
CONTENTS
MANFRED
INTRODUCTION TO MANFRED
DRAMATIS PERSONÆ
MANFRED
ACT I
ACT II
ACT III
MARINO FALIERO
INTRODUCTION
PREFACE
DRAMATIS PERSONÆ
MARINO FALIERO
ACT I
ACT II
ACT III
ACT IV
ACT V
SARDANAPALUS
INTRODUCTION
PREFACE
DRAMATIS PERSONÆ
SARDANAPALUS
ACT I
ACT II
ACT III
ACT IV
ACT V
THE TWO FOSCARI
INTRODUCTION
DRAMATIS PERSONÆ
THE TWO FOSCARI
ACT I
ACT II
ACT III
ACT IV
ACT V
CAIN: A MYSTERY
INTRODUCTION
PREFACE
DRAMATIS PERSONÆ
CAIN: A MYSTERY
ACT I
ACT II
ACT III
HEAVEN AND EARTH
INTRODUCTION
DRAMATIS PERSONÆ
HEAVEN AND EARTH
WERNER
INTRODUCTION
DRAMATIS PERSONÆ
WERNER
ACT I
ACT II
ACT III
ACT IV
ACT V
THE DEFORMED TRANSFORMED
INTRODUCTION
DRAMATIS PERSONÆ
THE DEFORMED TRANSFORMED
PART I
PART II
PART III
FRAGMENT OF THE THIRD PART
‘Lord Byron in Albanian dress’ by Thomas Phillips, 1813
MANFRED
A DRAMATIC POEM.
“There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio,
Than are dreamt of in your philosophy.”
[Hamlet, Act i. Scene 5, Lines 166, 167.
INTRODUCTION TO MANFRED
Byron passed four months and three weeks in Switzerland. He arrived at the Hôtel d’Angleterre at Sécheron, on Saturday, May 25, and he left the Campagne Diodati for Italy on Sunday, October 6, 1816. Within that period he wrote the greater part of the Third Canto of Childe Harold, he began and finished the Prisoner of Chillon, its seven attendant poems, and the Monody on the death of Sheridan, and he began Manfred.
A note to the “Incantation” (Manfred, act i. sc. 1, lines 192-261), which was begun in July and published together with the Prisoner of Chillon, December 5, 1816, records the existence
of “an unfinished Witch Drama” (First Edition, p. 46); but, apart from this, the first announcement of his new work is contained in a letter to Murray, dated Venice, February 15, 1817 (Letters, 1900, iv. 52). “I forgot,” he writes, “to mention to you that a kind of Poem in dialogue (in blank verse) or drama … begun last summer in Switzerland, is finished; it is in three acts; but of a very wild, metaphysical, and inexplicable kind.” The letter is imperfect, but some pages of “extracts” which were forwarded under the same cover have been preserved. Ten days later (February 25) he reverts to these “extracts,” and on February 28 he despatches a fair copy of the first act. On March 9 he remits the third and final act of his “dramatic poem” (a definition adopted as a second title), but under reserve as to publication, and with a strict injunction to Murray “to submit it to Mr. G[ifford] and to whomsoever you please besides.” It is certain that this third act was written at Venice (Letter to Murray, April 14), and it may be taken for granted that the composition of the first two acts belongs to the tour in the Bernese Alps (September 17-29), or to the last days at Diodati (September 30 to October 5, 1816), when the estro (see Letter to Murray, January 2, 1817) was upon him, when his “Passions slept,” and, in spite of all that had come and gone and could not go, his spirit was uplifted by the “majesty and the power and the glory” of Nature.
Gifford’s verdict on the first act was that it was “wonderfully poetical” and “merited publication,” but, as Byron had foreseen, he did not “by any means like” the third act. It was, as its author admitted (Letter to Murray, April 14) “damnably bad,” and savoured of the “dregs of a fever,” for which the Carnival (Letter to Murray, February 28) or, more probably, the climate and insanitary “palaces” of Venice were responsible. Some weeks went by before there was either leisure or inclination for the task of correction, but at Rome the estro returned in full force, and on May 5 a “new third act of Manfred — the greater part rewritten,” was sent by post to England. Manfred, a Dramatic Poem, was published June 16, 1817.
Manfred was criticized by Jeffrey in the Edinburgh Review (No. lvi., August, 1817, vol. 28, pp. 418-431), and by John Wilson in the Edinburgh Monthly Magazine (afterwards Blackwood’s, etc.) (June, 1817, i. 289-295). Jeffrey, as Byron remarked (Letter to Murray, October 12, 1817), was “very kind,” and Wilson, whose article “had all the air of being a poet’s,” was eloquent in its praises. But there was a fly in the ointment. “A suggestion” had been thrown out, “in an ingenious paper in a late number of the Edinburgh Magazine [signed H. M. (John Wilson), July, 1817], that the general conception of this piece, and much of what is excellent in the manner of its execution, have been borrowed from the Tragical History of Dr. Faustus of Marlow (sic);” and from this contention Jeffrey dissented. A note to a second paper on Marlowe’s Edward II. (Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, October, 1817) offered explanations, and echoed Jeffrey’s exaltation of Manfred above Dr. Faustus; but the mischief had been done. Byron was evidently perplexed and distressed, not by the papers in Blackwood, which he never saw, but by Jeffrey’s remonstrance in his favour; and in the letter of October 12 he is at pains to trace the “evolution” of Manfred. “I never read,” he writes, “and do not know that I ever saw the Faustus of Marlow;” and, again, “As to the Faustus of Marlow, I never read, never saw, nor heard of it.” “I heard Mr. Lewis translate verbally some scenes of Goethe’s Faust … last summer” (see, too, Letter to Rogers, April 4, 1817), which is all I know of the history of that magical personage; and as to the germs of Manfred, they may be found in the Journal which I sent to Mrs. Leigh … when I went over first the Dent, etc., ... shortly before I left Switzerland. I have the whole scene of Manfred before me.”
Again, three years later he writes (à propos of Goethe’s review of Manfred, which first appeared in print in his paper Kunst und Alterthum, June, 1820, and is republished in Goethe’s Sämmtliche Werke … Stuttgart, 1874, xiii. 640-642; see Letters, 1901, v. Appendix II. “Goethe and Byron,” pp. 503-521): “His Faust I never read, for I don’t know German; but Matthew Monk Lewis (sic), in 1816, at Coligny, translated most of it to me viva voce, and I was naturally much struck with it; but it was the Staubach (sic) and the Jungfrau, and something else, much more than Faustus, that made me write Manfred. The first scene, however, and that of Faustus are very similar” (Letter to Murray, June 7, 1820, Letters, 1901, v. 36). Medwin (Conversations, etc., pp. 210, 211), who of course had not seen the letters to Murray of 1817 or 1820, puts much the same story into Byron’s mouth.
Now, with regard to the originality of Manfred, it may be taken for granted that Byron knew nothing about the “Faust-legend,” or the “Faust-cycle.” He solemnly denies that he had ever read Marlowe’s Faustus, or the selections from the play in Lamb’s Specimens, etc. (see Medwin’s Conversations, etc., pp. 208, 209, and a hitherto unpublished Preface to Werner, vol. v.), and it is highly improbable that he knew anything of Calderon’s El Mágico Prodigioso, which Shelley translated in 1822, or of “the beggarly elements” of the legend in Hroswitha’s Lapsus et Conversio Theophrasti Vice-domini. But Byron’s Manfred is “in the succession” of scholars who have reached the limits of natural and legitimate science, and who essay the supernatural in order to penetrate and comprehend the “hidden things of darkness.” A predecessor, if not a progenitor, he must have had, and there can be no doubt whatever that the primary conception of the character, though by no means the inspiration of the poem, is to be traced to the “Monk’s” oral rendering of Goethe’s Faust, which he gave in return for his “bread and salt” at Diodati. Neither Jeffrey nor Wilson mentioned Faust, but the writer of the notice in the Critical Review (June, 1817, series v. vol. 5, pp. 622-629) avowed that “this scene (the first) is a gross plagiary from a great poet whom Lord Byron has imitated on former occasions without comprehending. Goethe’s Faust begins in the same way;” and Goethe himself, in a letter to his friend Knebel, October, 1817, and again in his review in Kunst und Alterthum, June, 1820, emphasizes whilst he justifies and applauds the use which Byron had made of his work. “This singular intellectual poet has taken my Faustus to himself, and extracted from it the strangest nourishment for his hypochondriac humour. He has made use of the impelling principles in his own way, for his own purposes, so that no one of them remains the same; and it is particularly on this account that I cannot enough admire his genius.” Afterwards (see record of a conversation with Herman Fürst von Pückler, September 14, 1826, Letters, v. 511) Goethe somewhat modified his views, but even then it interested him to trace the unconscious transformation which Byron had made of his Mephistopheles. It is, perhaps, enough to say that the link between Manfred and Faust is formal, not spiritual. The problem which Goethe raised but did not solve, his counterfeit presentment of the eternal issue between soul and sense, between innocence and renunciation on the one side, and achievement and satisfaction on the other, was not the struggle which Byron experienced in himself or desired to depict in his mysterious hierarch of the powers of nature. “It was the Staubach and the Jungfrau, and something else,” not the influence of Faust on a receptive listener, which called up a new theme, and struck out a fresh well-spring of the imagination. The motif of Manfred is remorse — eternal suffering for inexpiable crime. The sufferer is for ever buoyed up with the hope that there is relief somewhere in nature, beyond nature, above nature, and experience replies with an everlasting No! As the sunshine enhances sorrow, so Nature, by the force of contrast, reveals and enhances guilt. Manfred is no echo of another’s questioning, no expression of a general world-weariness on the part of the time-spirit, but a personal outcry: “De profundis clamavi!”
No doubt, apart from this main purport and essence of his song, his sensitive spirit responded to other and fainter influences. There are “points of resemblance,” as Jeffrey pointed out and Byron proudly admitted, between Manfred and the Prometheus of Æschylus. Plainly, here and there, “the tone and pitch of the composition,” and “the victim in the more solemn parts,”
are Æschylean. Again, with regard to the supernatural, there was the stimulus of the conversation of the Shelleys and of Lewis, brimful of magic and ghost-lore; and lastly, there was the glamour of Christabel, “the wild and original” poem which had taken Byron captive, and was often in his thoughts and on his lips. It was no wonder that the fuel kindled and burst into a flame.
For the text of Goethe’s review of Manfred, and Hoppner’s translation of that review, and an account of Goethe’s relation with Byron, drawn from Professor A. Brandl’s Goethes Verhältniss zu Byron (Goethe-Jahrbuch, Zwanzigster Band, 1899), and other sources, see Letters, 1901, v. Appendix II. pp. 503-521.
For contemporary and other notices of Manfred, in addition to those already mentioned, see Eclectic Review, July, 1817, New Series, vol. viii. pp. 62-66; Gentleman’s Magazine, July, 1817, vol. 87, pp. 45-47; Monthly Review, July, 1817, Enlarged Series, vol. 83, pp. 300-307; Dublin University Magazine, April, 1874, vol. 83, pp. 502-508, etc.
‘Manfred on the Jungfrau’ by John Martin “, 1837
DRAMATIS PERSONÆ
Manfred.
Chamois Hunter.
Abbot of St. Maurice.
Manuel.
Herman.
Witch of the Alps.
Arimanes.
Nemesis.
The Destinies.
Spirits, etc.
The Scene of the Drama is amongst the Higher Alps — partly in the Castle of Manfred, and partly in the Mountains.
MANFRED
ACT I
Scene 1. — Manfred alone. — Scene, a Gothic Gallery. — Time, Midnight.
Man. The lamp must be replenished, but even then
It will not burn so long as I must watch:
My slumbers — if I slumber — are not sleep,
But a continuance, of enduring thought,
Which then I can resist not: in my heart
There is a vigil, and these eyes but close
To look within; and yet I live, and bear
The aspect and the form of breathing men.
But Grief should be the Instructor of the wise;
Sorrow is Knowledge: they who know the most 10
Must mourn the deepest o’er the fatal truth,
The Tree of Knowledge is not that of Life.
Philosophy and science, and the springs