The Battle of Borodino: Napoleon Against Kutuzov

by Alexander Mikaberidze

  My division lost half of its men under that dreadful artillery fire that wiped out entire ranks but, as the French acknowledged themselves, we held ground with remarkable courage. Showered by canister, my division suffered such heavy casualties that we had to remove it from the first line …

  And according to Rayevsky, ‘my corps […] sustained so many killed and wounded that it turned into a complete nothingness [‘sovershennoye nichtozhestvo’] … Indeed, Rayevsky’s troops had to be replaced with the 24th Division of Major General Likhachev, which was moved from Dokhturov’s 6th Corps.

  Yermolov anticipated a new round of enemy assaults and tried to quickly mobilize forces at his disposal. Although the redoubt initially counted eighteen guns, many of them were damaged and Yermolov had to replace guns at least twice, drawing artillery pieces from nearby batteries. The loss of artillery personnel also caused him to employ the 3rd Battalion of the Ufimskii Regiment to man the pieces. He continued to direct men until ‘a canister shot, which killed a non-commissioned officer [in front of me] […] pierced a collar of my overcoat and tore a lapel of my coat, but a silk scarf on my neck softened its impact’. Yermolov fell down as his ‘neck turned blue, a large tumour quickly appeared and all neck muscles were seriously damaged’. Meanwhile, Mikhailovsky-Danilevsky described the shells

  exploding in the air and on the ground, cannon-balls whistling through the air and raining on the ground from every direction, ploughing the ground and shattering everything on their path. Artillery rounds were made so frequent that there were no intervals between explosions and they persisted continuously like a relentless thunder.454

  The French artillery fire even reached Russian units standing in reserve behind the front line. The Life Guard Preobrazhenskii and Semeyonovskii Regiments lost dozens of men killed and wounded without firing a single shot. ‘Our brigade – the Life Guard Semeyonovskii and Preobrazhenskii Regiments – remained under the heavy bombardment of the enemy batteries for hours. It withstood this ordeal with incredible composure which is characteristic to the élite troops,’ wrote Captain Pushin in his diary. Muravyev-Apostol described conditions in these regiments:

  The 2nd Battalion of the Life Guard Semeyonovskii Regiment was deployed on the right flank of the 1st Battalion. Peter Olenin, as an adjutant of the 2nd Battalion, was mounted on his horse. Around 8am, a cannon-ball whistled near his head and he fell down to the ground, everyone assuming he was dead. Prince Trubetskoy, who visited the wounded in infirmary, assured the elder [Nikolai] Olenin that his brother only suffered a contusion and would survive his wound. Olenin was beyond himself with joy. The officers gathered in a circle in front of the battalion to ask about his wounded brother. However, as the enemy fire intensified and the cannon-balls rained down on us, Colonel Baron Maxim Ivanovich de-Damas, the commander of the 2nd Battalion, ordered, ‘Gentlemen, return to your places.’ Nikolai Olenin took his place in front of his squad while Count Tatishev was standing in front facing him. They were both delighted by the good news about [the younger Olenin]. Suddenly, a cannon-ball shattered Count Tatishev’s back, then pierced Olenin’s chest and tore off an NCO’s leg …455

  The Russian command massed considerable forces in anticipation of the next attack. Likhachev, who was in poor health and, unable to stand, was sitting on a campaign stool inside the redoubt, deployed his 24th Division in two lines, with the Butyrskii, Tomskii and Combined Grenadier Regiments in the first line, and the 19th and 40th jäger Regiments behind the ravine of the Ognik stream, supported by the Ufimskii and Shirvanskii Regiments. The survivors of the VII Corps were moved to the rear, though some were organized by Vasilchikov to reinforce the left flank. The 4th Division was deployed south of the redoubt, with the 2nd Brigade, supported by Creitz’s cavalry, in the immediate vicinity of the redoubt, while the 1st Brigade was closer to Semeyonovskoye. Around noon, the IV Corps replaced the 2nd Brigade of the 4th Division (which was sent to the II Corps on the Old Smolensk Road) and took up new positions, with its 11th (Bakhmetyev I) and 23rd Divisions (Bakhmetyev III) facing southwest. To the north of the redoubt, the 7th Division was holding positions extending to Gorki, while in the south stood the 1st Brigade of the 4th Division and remnants of the 12th Division and the Combined Grenadier Brigade of the V Corps. The Life Guard Preobrazhenskii, Semeyonovskii and Finlyandskii Regiments were arranged behind the left lank of the IV Corps. The II and III Cavalry Corps were also ordered to proceed towards the redoubt, but were delayed due to terrain and heavy fighting on the left flank.456 It is difficult to estimate the precise number of Russian troops concentrated at the redoubt by late afternoon, but they must have numbered about 30,000–33,000 men. The strength of the Russian artillery is less definite and Larionov argued that some ‘artillery companies, having exhausted their ammunition, left the positions’.457

  While Eugène coped with the Russian cavalry raid, the French finally seized Semeyonovskoe after a bitter combat and were now able to shift some of their troops to the centre. Lorge’s 7th Cuirassier Division and Rozniecki’s 4th Light Cavalry Division moved about 1,000 paces northwest of Semeyonovskoe, where they assumed a new position. Thielemann’s brigade was deployed in the first line, with the Saxon Gardes du Corps in front, the 14th Polish Cuirassiers in rear and the Zastrow Cuirassiers in the middle. The second line, located about 100m behind Thielemann’s men consisted of Lepel’s brigade of Westphalian cuirassiers in columns. To their right were Rozniecki’s Polish Lancers, also in columns. To their left, and slightly behind, was the II Cavalry Corps, with Wathier’s 2nd Cuirassier Division in the first line and Defrance’s 4th Cuirassier Division in the second. Pajol’s division was on the left flank of the II Cavalry Corps and the Vistula Legion assumed position to the left of Lorge’s men. Additional light cavalry brigades (the 8th, 9th, 14th and 24th) were deployed between the II and IV Cavalry Corps. In the afternoon, the 1st and 2nd Chevau-léger lancier de la Garde Regiments were moved forward in support.458

  The French also gathered substantial infantry. Eugène’s troops were north of the II Cavalry Corps. Gerard’s division was organized with the 21st Line and two battalions of the 12th Light in the front. Behind them was the 7th Light and the remaining battalions of the 12th Light. Morand’s division was north of Gérard and had the 17th Line in the first line, followed by the 13th Light and the survivors of the 30th Line. The 14th Division (Broussier) was next to the Kolocha, with the 9th and 35th Line in the front and 53rd Line in the second line, followed by the two battalions of the 18th Light and two battalions of the Joseph Napoleon Regiment.459 Further upstream was Grouchy’s III Cavalry Corps, though some troops from Chastel’s light cavalry division were near Broussier’s men.460 The total number of French guns concentrated at this sector is naturally difficult to determine due to battle confusion. Estimates vary from as many as 400 to as few as 170, though some 200 guns actively engaged in the attack seems more plausible.

  About noon, the French cavalry made several charges on the Russian positions around the redoubt, mainly towards the village of Semeyonovskoye. Beurman’s Westphalian chasseurs were involved in several such attacks south of the redoubt, where they were engaged in a bitter mêlée with the Russian cavalry – probably Creitz’s dragoons (see pages 130–1). At one moment the Westphalians began to suffer heavy losses and turned back to their positions, pursued by the Russians. Pajol noticed these troops fleeing in ‘great disorder’ and personally went to rally them. After regrouping, the Westphalian chasseurs drove the Russians back, but the see-saw action continued for some time. Observing another Russian cavalry charge, Pajol was prompted to counter-charge with his troops but was stopped by Murat, who told him to allow the heavy cavalry of Wathier and Defrance to prepare for attack. Still, Pajol moved forward two carabinier regiments and three squadrons of lancers.461

  It is difficult to find reliable information on this charge in Russian battle reports, which often lack details and concentrate on the decisive cavalry charge that took place later that day. The report of Korf, wh
o commanded the II and III Cavalry Corps, mentions this attack in vague terms:

  The Sibirskii and Irkutskii Dragoon Regiments were deployed to protect the grand battery, located in the centre, and they remained under a dreadful artillery fire between 8am and noon, when a strong column of the enemy cavalry and infantry thought to seize the battery. They quickly charged and routed the enemy.462

  Colonel Creitz distinguished himself commanding his dragoons in these back-and-forth charges; already twice wounded, he now suffered a third injury. Disregarding his pain, he continued to fight until a canister shot dislodged him from his horse, which was killed. Changing his mount, Creitz led another counter-charge against the French and sustained three more wounds (making a total of six), which finally forced this indomitable warrior to seek medical assistance. But while Kutuzov and Barclay praised the Russian cavalry, Creitz was more critical, noting that:

  The Irkutskii Regiment, under [the] command of Lieutenant Colonel Yuzhakov, failed its duties and the Sibirskii and Orenburgskii Regiments were rescued by Colonel Emanuel, who led the Kievskii Dragoon Regiment in a gallant charge against the enemy flank and halted its advance.

  Creitz’s memoirs also note that this French attack seized eight guns of Kandyba’s 5th Horse Company, but could not remove them because of a valiant effort by the 2nd Squadron of the Sibirskii Dragoons, which recovered them.463

  Friedrich von Schubert attested to the chaotic nature of the fighting, writing:

  Someone who did not see it with his own eyes can have no idea of what this disorder was like. One could no longer speak of general order or leadership. Each regiment, as soon as it had been halfway regrouped by a new bugle call, immediately returned to the attack […] In the midst of it all there were the remains of our infantry division, which the officers were trying to reorganize; Paskevich, who in desperation was tearing out his hair, cursing and swearing; and Barclay, whose horse had just been killed and who quite calmly was trying to restore order on foot.

  Wolzogen could see as, ‘each canister shot kicked up a tiny cloud of dust from the surface of the ground, which had been trampled into a fine powder, and as everywhere these tiny clouds were curling over on themselves, they looked like moving waves’. He had his horse shot under him and had to carry his saddle, in the midst of fighting, to the rear. Behind the Grand Redoubt, he was halted by a special cordon that Yermolov had established to turn back soldiers who claimed they needed to escort a wounded comrade to the ambulances.464

  Löwenstern was wounded in the hand and received medical assistant at an ambulance in the rear: ‘My hand was in a sling,’ he recalled, ‘I could not hold a sabre but I still could do something and that was enough for me. I was in a state of extreme agitation and felt as if some kind of fever took over me.’ Returning to the front line, he found Barclay de Tolly in the midst of the battle and was sent to Osterman-Tolstoy, who was wounded earlier but refused to stay in the dressing station and returned to his post, which he ‘defended like a lion’. According to Löwenstern: ‘After spending only 8 or 10 minutes with Osterman, I saw a number of men of his suite being killed and wounded …’

  Russian battle reports are vague on the exact development of events leading to the fall of the redoubt. Barclay de Tolly was personally directing the defence of this important location, always cool and collected, providing a striking example to his troops. It was evident to him that

  the enemy was preparing one more decisive attack; enemy cavalry was moved forward and organized in various columns. I anticipated that our II and III Cavalry Corps, having suffered greatly in previous attacks, would not be able to withstand this new and powerful blow, and sent for the 1st Cuirassier Division. Unfortunately, someone had moved it to the left flank and my adjutant could not find it where I intended to keep it; all he could do was to find the Chevalier Guard and Life Guard Horse Regiments, which rushed to my assistance. However, by then, the enemy had charged the 24th Division … [and] strong enemy columns attacked the hill from both sides …

  Back at French headquarters, Napoleon was informed of the capture of Semeyonovskoye and contemplated a decisive blow against the redoubt in the centre, which, as Pelet described it, served as an anchor for the Russian Army. If successful, this attack would shatter the Russian defences, bringing the decisive victory Napoleon was seeking. According to Ségur, it was about this time that Napoleon received Murat’s complaints about the losses his cavalry was sustaining, accompanied by a request for the Guard cavalry to attack. Napoleon seemed to give his consent and sent in search of Bessières, who could not be found. ‘The Emperor waited nearly an hour without the least impatience, or repeating his order …’ Ségur noted. Told about Montbrun’s injury, Napoleon replaced him with General Auguste de Caulaincourt, younger brother of his Grand Equerry. Caulaincourt had a distinguished career in Spain and, as he instructed this general, Napoleon told him: ‘Do what you did at Arzobispo’ – referring to a daring attack Caulaincourt carried out in Spain in August 1809, when he forded the Tagus with his dragoons to seize a fortified bridge across the river.465

  Before leaving, Caulaincourt had a meeting with Belliard and Murat to discuss this important attack. Murat seems to have reconnoitred the Russian positions earlier, since Griois recalled seeing Murat at his battery:

  We were quite sure he [Murat] would put an end to a murderous cannonade which was leading to nothing and even slowing down for lack of ammunition, and that he would dispose of enough troops at one point to make a fresh and decisive attack. Indeed, having examined the situation and ridden over the terrain, where, for several hours now, our cavalry was being devastated, he noticed that the parapets of the Grand Redoubt had almost been razed to the ground by our gunnery.

  According to Murat’s report, he ordered Caulaincourt ‘to charge on his left all that was there of the enemy and attempt to reach the Grand Redoubt, which, taking us in the flank, caused us a lot of mischief each time it found a favourable occasion’. Pelet is more specific on Caulaincourt’s mission, which was ‘to clear the area between the redoubt and the Semeyonovskoye […] then turn left and assault the redoubt from the rear, while Eugene’s columns attacked from the front’. Ségur confirms that the main target was ‘the terrible redoubt whose front fire was mowing the ranks of the Viceroy’.

  It was a do or die mission and Caulaincourt knew this well. Whether from a premonition or a realistic appraisal of his chances, he told his brother before leaving: ‘The fighting is so fierce that I shall doubtless not see you again. We will triumph or I will get myself killed.’ According to Ségur, Caulaincourt ‘found the aides-de-camp of the unfortunate Montbrun in tears for the loss of their commander. “Follow me,’’ said he to them, “weep not for him, but come and avenge his death!”‘ Captain Coignet of the Imperial Guard – not always a reliable source – provides additional details on the preparations for this decisive charge. He writes that Caulaincourt summoned the regimental colonels and informed them of orders to take the redoubt: ‘There is not a moment to lose! Trot when I give the command, and charge as soon as you are within musket-shot …’ The assault was launched around 3pm and it involved almost the entire Allied cavalry force. Caulaincourt led the first wave, charging at the head of the 5th and 8th Cuirassiers, which were followed by Defrance’s carabiniers. Some time later, the IV Cavalry Corps charged as well.466

  Covered in dust and smoke, the Grand Redoubt presented an almost surreal sight, which one German participant (Leissnig) compared to a ‘hellish concert’ as the fortification was regularly illuminated by the ‘reddish, aurora-borealis glow’ of its firing guns. The redoubt was so badly damaged that its parapet was all but razed to the ground. Behind the redoubt, a French round ignited a barrel of resin, with which the Russians lubricated the axles of their guns, and Lejeune could see ‘the purple lames rolling along the ground like an infuriated snake, then climbing upwards in columns of smoke, throwing broad shadows on the ground’. Indeed, it would have been stunning to observe hundreds of Allied cava
lrymen – with gleaming cuirasses, resplendent uniforms and tall, gaudy plumes – charging up the slopes leading to the redoubt. Labaume was dazed to see ‘the eminence of a mass of moving iron: the glitter of arms, and the rays of the sun relected from the helmets and cuirasses, mingled with the lames of the cannon that on every side vomited forth death, to give the appearance of a volcano in the midst of the army.’ Across the field, a Russian artillery officer was also fascinated as ‘the brilliant rays of the half-hidden sun were relected from the sabres, swords, bayonets, helmets and cuirasses, making a dreadful yet sublime picture …’467

  According to Murat, the cavalry charge was

  executed with as much rapidity as bravery. Caulaincourt, at the head of the 2nd Cuirassier Division […] overthrew everything he met in front of him, and finding he had gone past the Grand Redoubt on the left, came back and fell upon it and, with the 5th Cuirassiers, took it from the enemy.

  Griois saw as the cuirassiers

  started to gallop, overthrowing everything in front of them, turning to the redoubt, entering it by the throat and by the place where the earth that had rolled down into the ditched made it easier of access. At the same time, [Eugène], with his infantry, attacked the redoubt from the left …468

  The impetus of the heavily armed cavalrymen carried the charge beyond the redoubt. Some cavalrymen jumped over the ditches and the half-destroyed parapet into the redoubt, where the remaining Russians fought to their last breath. Lejeune described how ‘in the struggle, the wind, which was blowing strongly, raised clouds of dust, which mingled with the smoke from the guns and whirled up in dense masses, enveloping and almost suffocating men and horses’. Meanwhile, Colonel Griois, watching the attack from the rear, was elated to see the charge:

  It would be difficult to convey our feelings as we watched this brilliant feat of arms, perhaps without equal in the military annals of nations. Every one of us would have liked to give a helping hand to that cavalry which we saw leaving over ditches and scrambling over ramparts under a hail of canister, and a roar of joy resounded on all sides as they became masters of the redoubt.469