Harold

by Ian W. Walker

  On 10 February 1056 Athelstan, Bishop of Hereford, died, perhaps as a result of old age, but more likely because of the trauma of the burning of his minster by the Welsh. King Edward took the opportunity to appoint as bishop in his place a man who could bolster the defences of the area against the Welsh threat where Earl Ralph had failed. The man chosen was Leofgar, who had been Harold’s personal chaplain, and no doubt Harold advised on the appointment. This should not be seen as an intervention in Church affairs in the same sense as when Earl Godwine intervened in the Canterbury election of 1051, on behalf of his kinsman Aethelric. The reason for the appointment this time was clearly related to the need to select someone to undertake effective border defence. What was required was a bishop trained in worldly arts and able to defend his flock, as Bishop Ealdred of neighbouring Worcester had been called upon to do in 1049. Such a man was unlikely to be found among King Edward’s more scholarly clerks, and Leofgar was therefore chosen as a more suitable candidate. He was soon to justify the choice, if not quite as originally desired.12

  The monks who compiled the Chronicle entries clearly disapproved of Leofgar, but not, it would appear, because of his relationship to Earl Harold or because of any influence the latter may have brought to bear on his appointment. The tone of their accounts clearly reveals their disapproval of the warlike character of a man who was even more militant than Bishop Ealdred or Abbot Aethelwig of Evesham, both of whom led military forces at times. It was clearly felt that Leofgar was unsuitable as a bishop, especially, perhaps, replacing as he did such a saintly old man as Athelstan. In reality, Leofgar’s fault lay not in his military outlook, but in the rashness which led him to campaign into Wales against Gruffydd without support. As a result, he was slain at Glasbury-on-Wye on 16 June 1056, along with Sheriff Aelfnoth of Hereford and a large part of their forces. The presence of the sheriff suggests that this had been a local expedition drawn from the shire itself. This was clearly not part of the plan behind his appointment by the king. In view of Harold’s reluctance to advance far into Wales even with more men, it seems unlikely he would have wished Bishop Leofgar to do so with only the men of the shire. The raid may have been intended to recover the district of Archenfield, which was probably among the areas lost to Gruffydd the previous year and which had belonged to Leofgar’s bishopric, but the result was disastrous. Earls Harold and Leofric and Bishop Ealdred gathered to protect the border in the wake of this defeat, but no attempt was made to advance into Wales, in spite of their much larger forces. Instead, as in the previous year, negotiations were opened which resulted in the English recognizing Gruffydd as King of All Wales in return for his acceptance of Edward as his overlord. Again, Harold fulfilled the role of diplomat rather than warrior, but the threat from Gruffydd, though temporarily stilled, remained.13

  With the menace of Gruffydd momentarily pacified, affairs of state were once more focused on the succession when news arrived of the death of Emperor Henry III on5 October 1056. It was at once decided to make another effort to bring about the return of Atheling Edward from Hungary. We have seen above how Bishop Ealdred’s earlier mission had failed as a result of Henry III’s conflict with Hungary. The latter was now removed from the scene, and it was no doubt hoped that the regency council for his young son, Henry IV, might have different priorities. Fortunately, this proved to be the case and the dispute between the Empire and Andrew I of Hungary ended in a compromise treaty soon after. It was felt, therefore, that the time was ripe for another attempt to bring about Edward’s return. This time it appears that Earl Harold himself was chosen to perform the vital mission, which it was hoped would finally secure the royal succession.14

  Although none of the contempory sources refer directly to Harold’s involvement in this mission, there are indications which point to it. A Haroldi Ducis is found among the witnesses of a diploma issued by Count Baldwin V of Flanders, Harold’s brother-in-law, on 13 November 1056 at St Omer. Harold’s presence in Flanders so soon after news of the Emperor’s death may indicate that he had already set out on the first stage of his mission. From St Omer, Count Baldwin himself proceeded to Cologne, where on 5 December 1056 he arranged peace terms with Agnes of Poitiers, Regent of the Empire, on behalf of her son Henry IV. Harold probably joined Count Baldwin and his party in order to be introduced to the Regent, and to gain an opportunity to explain his mission to her. At Cologne he was probably successful in gaining the support of the Regent and possibly of Pope Victor II, who was also present.

  The Imperial party then travelled to Regensburg on the Danube for Christmas, and it was here that Harold probably first opened negotiations with the Hungarian King Andrew I, and then perhaps with Atheling Edward himself. However, a great deal required to be discussed and considered before the atheling would consent to return to what was, after all, a strange land. He no doubt had to be persuaded of the safety of his person and of his family. King Andrew, likewise, had to be persuaded to release the atheling, and was possibly offered gifts or bribes to aid his decision.

  While awaiting a response, Harold may have accompanied Pope Victor on his return to Rome for Easter 1057. The Vita Eadwardi refers, in a difficult passage, to Harold visiting Rome after conducting business in what is termed ‘Frankish’ country, and this may reflect a faint echo of this mission. The verity of Harold’s visit to Rome has been doubted, but it would be foolish for the author of the Vita Eadwardi, a source close to his family, to lie about this. The much later Vita Haroldi, in an account which shows much confusion with his brother Tosti’s own visit to Rome, refers to Harold collecting relics in Rome and a surviving Waltham Abbey relic list seems to provide some confirmation of this by recording a number of items which may have come from Rome. Thereafter, Harold may have returned by way of Bavaria, where he collected Atheling Edward and his family, who had finally made up their mind to return, and from whence he escorted them back to England.14

  Apart from the fact that Harold was in Flanders in November 1056, and that he is known to have visited Rome, there exists no direct evidence for these events. The record of religious relics donated by Harold to his church at Waltham provides some evidence that he may have visited the regions of Europe covered by a journey like that outlined. He is known to have obtained relics from Ghent, Aachen, Cologne, and Worms, perhaps en route from St Omer to Regensburg, and similarly he collected items from Metz, Rheims, Noyon and St Riquier, which he could have visited on his return journey. It is possible, of course, that Harold merely sent agents to collect these relics, but it is perhaps too much of a coincidence that the pieces all originate from places which could have been on his route. Of course, the relics could have been collected on other journeys and at other times, but if so it is difficult to place these in Harold’s busy career.15

  Aside from this circumstantial evidence, proof of Harold’s journey to seek out Atheling Edward rests largely on the coincidence of events and probability. What can be said is that Harold is not recorded as being anywhere else between his presence around July/August 1056 on the Welsh border and sometime before September 1057, when Atheling Edward probably arrived in England. The atheling’s return is entered in the Chronicle immediately prior to the death of Earl Leofric which occurred on 30 September 1057. After the failure of Ealdred’s earlier mission, it is certain that someone with considerable diplomatic skill and great prestige was required, first to smooth the passage to Hungary, then to persuade the atheling to return, and finally to escort him safely back. After his recent diplomatic achievements in Wales and given his position as a trusted servant of King Edward, Harold was surely an obvious choice.

  Unfortunately, Atheling Edward had not long arrived back in England when he died unexpectedly in London, sometime before September 1057. Chronicle D expresses great dismay at this event, but this should not be read as signifying suspicion of an unnatural death. The many hopes for the future which rested on Edward, only to be dashed when he died so soon after his return, are surely enough to justify this reaction by th
e chronicler. He had spent some forty years in exile and undertaken a return journey of 800 miles but died before he could even meet his uncle, King Edward.16

  Although disappointing for those anticipating his return, Atheling Edward’s death did not unduly disturb the succession as his young son, Edgar, had arrived safely with the family party. Within a decade or so this boy would be old enough to succeed and could, in this time, be prepared for kingship. In the meantime, other candidates, such as Earl Ralph, were still available in case of any further accidents of fate. The succession had finally been secured, as had been required since 1050. Although King Edward and Queen Edith could not have children of their own, the safe arrival of young Edgar and his two sisters provided them with a ready-made family, and the kingdom with an heir. Confirmation of Edgar’s position is provided by the designation atheling found in all the sources and signifying his status as prospective heir, and by the Chronicle’s later reference to the kingship as ‘his proper due’.17

  This same year of 1057 brought other deaths among men of note, and consequent changes in the English polity. On 30 September Earl Leofric, the last of Cnut’s great earls, died and his son, Aelfgar, succeeded to his Mercian earldom. This succession was not made by hereditary right but rather as a result of a decision by the king. However, as in the case of Harold’s succession to Wessex, the decision was a natural one given Aelfgar’s succession to his father’s lands and his influence in the region. In turn, it was probably now that Gyrth, brother of Earls Harold and Tosti, gained East Anglia in succession to Aelfgar. On 21 December Earl Ralph, Edward’s nephew, also died, leaving an infant son called Harold, who remained a minor in the wardship of Queen Edith until 1066. It was vital for Ralph’s earldom to be held by someone who could defend the western part of it from the still present threat of Gruffydd of Wales. Earl Aelfgar was not chosen as it was unlikely that he would have been welcomed by the men of Hereford, whose shire he had ravaged the year before; Harold’s younger brothers were not chosen either as they had no military or diplomatic experience. Instead, Earl Harold appears to have absorbed that part of Ralph’s earldom which abutted Wales, including Gloucestershire and Herefordshire. It was probably at this time, or perhaps early in 1058, that King Edward appointed Earl Harold’s other brother, Leofwine, to an inland earldom free from the threat of invasion carved out of the eastern part of Ralph’s earldom. The redistribution of comital authority in this period is complex and the results are discussed in greater detail in Appendix Two.18

  The main result of these changes was that Earl Aelfgar was left the only earl in England who was not a member of Godwine’s family. The dynamics behind this situation should be remembered. Cnut’s three great earls left varying progeny to succeed them. Siward had two sons – Osbeorn, who was killed in Scotland before his father’s death, and Waltheof, who was too young to hold office before 1066. Leofric apparently had only one son, Aelfgar, who succeeded him in Mercia. Godwine, in contrast, had six sons, of whom five were ready and available for office, the exception being Wulfnoth, who was a hostage in Normandy. Similarly, the new earls appointed by King Edward left no adult successors. Earl Ralph left only his infant son, Harold, held to be a minor until 1066, while Earl Odda appears to have left no heirs at all. As a result, there was a clear imbalance in eligible candidates for earldoms, and thus King Edward was almost bound to appoint more progeny of Godwine to office, regardless of the relative ambitions and merits of the various families involved.

  Despite King Edward having, so it would seem, little choice but to promote members of Harold’s family, their rapid accession of power seems to have aroused the enmity of Earl Aelfgar. It is possible that he feared encirclement by Harold’s family, or simply felt that his eldest son, Edwin, should have received a share of Earl Ralph’s earldom, instead of it being shared out among the Godwine brothers. It has been assumed that Edwin was too young for such a position at this time, scarcely an adult even in 1062/3, but there is no direct evidence for this. The apparent lack of activity he would later show may have resulted from inexperience rather than youth. Indeed, the documentary evidence for this period is so thin that we cannot be sure when Edwin first came to prominence. It is likely that he became Earl of Mercia in 1062, but he is not recorded as such until 1065. It was probably a fear of encirclement that led Earl Aelfgar to turn to his previous ally, Gruffydd of Wales, in an attempt to establish some security for himself. This time he sought to form a firm alliance with Gruffydd by arranging the marriage of his daughter, Alditha, to the Welsh king. This alliance would serve two purposes for the earl: it would protect his long border with Wales from attack, and it would provide him with a source of support in England, should he require it. It is not clear whether the threat from the Godwine family was real or imagined, but clearly Earl Aelfgar took it seriously. In turn, this alliance between one of his earls and the chief enemy of his kingdom alarmed King Edward. In 1058, therefore, Earl Aelfgar was banished for a second time, his treasonable alliance with Gruffydd being a much more likely cause than any supposed plots by Harold’s family. We can only regret the chroniclers’ reluctance to provide further details of the causes of this important crisis.19

  This time, Aelfgar fled directly to his new ally, King Gruffydd of Wales. The allies received additional assistance from a Norwegian fleet which happened to be cruising in the Irish Sea under Magnus, the son of King Harald of Norway. This powerful backing allowed Aelfgar to attempt to regain his earldom by force. The Norwegians raided the English coast, perhaps north of the Mersey, while Gruffydd presumably raided the borders. None of the accounts of this year (1058) provide information on the areas affected by these raids, but it seems likely that the Norwegian fleet raided the coast of Tosti’s earldom. This would certainly help to account for Tosti’s decision to participate in the later invasion of Wales, something never before undertaken by a Northumbrian earl. Domesday Book does record Tosti’s lands in Amounderness as waste in 1086, though whether as a result of this Norwegian assault or later Norman action is unknown. We have no information on the English response other than that the result was again a negotiated settlement. Aelfgar was once more restored to his earldom, and further concessions were possibly offered to Gruffydd of Wales. It may have been at this point that Gruffydd received the lands beyond the Dee, later recorded by Domesday Book as having been held by him. Aelfgar himself may have gained the addition of Oxfordshire to his earldom.20

  King Gruffydd, who had now devastated the English borders on a number of occasions without retaliation and defeated a series of English forces, clearly presented a serious threat to England, which had to be dealt with. However, Gruffydd’s alliance with Earl Aelfgar currently made it impossible to take effective action against him. Nor did there seem any prospect of an immediate end to this alliance – Earl Aelfgar had twice found it invaluable in securing his own position in England and might do so again. However, this situation of stalemate could not last forever, and King Edward and Earl Harold could wait.

  The year 1058, therefore, would appear to have been a turbulent one, yet little precise detail is recorded in the sources. Chronicle D remarks that ‘It is tedious to relate fully how things went’. Indeed, for the period 1057 to 1065 the sources are somewhat sparse. Although this lack of detail does not necessarily indicate that the kingdom was peaceful, nevertheless it was during this period that Earl Harold was able to set aside time to supervise the embellishment and attend the dedication of his newly built collegiate church at Waltham in Essex. According to the later Waltham Chronicle, the dedication of the church was performed on 3 May 1060, the feast of the Finding of the True Cross, with Archbishop Cynesige of York officiating. The participation of Cynesige rather than Stigand, in whose jurisdiction the church lay, probably came about because of the latter’s doubtful status at this time. In addition to Earl Harold himself, King Edward and Queen Edith were also in attendance at the eight days of feasting and celebration, as were around eleven bishops and eleven abbots, all of the earls
and several other prominent laymen. Although there is no official list, the formal confirmation charter of 1062 bears these names on its winess list, with the exception of Cynesige, and it is likely that most of these people did indeed attend the ceremony. Their names were perhaps recorded in an earlier draft charter compiled at the time to be used as the basis for the later formal document. If this is the case, then this was a formidable gathering for the dedication of what was a non-royal church, and it clearly reflected Harold’s status in England at this time. This magnificent occasion was probably also the setting for Harold’s formal presentation to his new foundation of the holy relics he had collected during his European travels.21

  Undoubtedly also during this period, Earl Harold and his brothers consolidated their hold on their new earldoms or the extensions to their existing authority. They would have attended shire courts to supervise the administration of justice and in doing so would have met and developed links with many of the influential and powerful men of their new earldoms. In this respect, Harold’s existing power base in nearby Wessex and his association with the defence of Herefordshire in 1055 and 1056 must have eased the establishment of his authority in this shire. Earl Gyrth may have been able to better his position in East Anglia by using many of Harold’s contacts in the region, formed during his previous tenure of the earldom and through his landholdings in the area. Indeed, in 1061 Earls Tosti and Gyrth felt confident enough of their authority to journey to Rome with Ealdred, the newly appointed Archbishop of York. In their absence occurred the only known disturbance of these years when Malcolm, the new King of Scots, took advantage of the opportunity presented by Tosti’s absence to ravage the northern borders of his earldom including Lindisfarne. However, on Tosti’s return, Malcolm withdrew and peace was restored in the north.22