This will be enough to say about Valens, and it is fully confirmed by the testimony of records contemporary with me. But it is proper not to omit the following story. At the time of the oracle of the tripod, for which, as I have said, Patricius and Hilarius were responsible, he had heard of those three prophetic verses, of which the last is:
When in Mimas’ plains the war-god Ares rages.
Being uneducated and rude, he disregarded them at first, but as his very great troubles increased he became abjectly timid, and in recalling that prediction used to shudder at the mention of Asia, where, as he heard from the mouths of learned men, Homer and Cicero have written of a mountain called Mimas, rising above the city of Erythrae. Finally, after his death and the departure of the enemy, it is said that near the place where he was thought to have fallen a monument made of a heap of stones was found, to which was fastened a tablet engraved with Greek characters, showing that a distinguished man of old called Mimas was buried there.
Flavius Richomeres
Place and date of birth unknown. He was a Frank who attained both high military and civil status, serving as Comes Domesticorum under Gratian from at least AD 377. Gratian dispatched Richomeres with troops to aid Valens after the Gothic revolt in AD 376 and it was Richomeres who led the army that fought the Goths at Ad Salices in AD 377. From AD 383 he was Magister Militum Per Orientum under Theodosius I and became a Consul in AD 384. Theodosius recalled him back to service in AD 388 to campaign with his nephew Arbogastes and the Generals Timasius and Promotus against the usurper Magnus Maximus who they subsequently defeated. From AD 388 Richomeres served as Comes et Magister Utriusque Militiae until his death on the way to give battle against his nephew Arbogastes who had seized power in the West. As noted above, Richomeres was in charge of the army at Ad Salices and therefore had a very good insight into how well a Gothic army defending a wagon laager could fight. He was with Gratian before the Battle of Adrianople as he was sent by Gratian with a letter telling Valens to await Gratian’s arrival. He offered himself as a hostage to Fritigern at Adrianople when the tribune Aequitius refused to do so.
Richomeres was married to Ascyla and their son Theudemeres became King of the Franks. He was acquainted with Libanius who wrote several works concerning Richomeres.
Sebastianus
Place and date of birth unknown. Sebastianus was involved with the religious upheavals in Alexandria during AD 358, supporting Bishop George with expelling the adherents of Athanasius. He served as Comes Rei Militaris from AD 363 to AD 378, first under Julian before Julian’s death and then under Valentinian I until his death in AD 374 and then under Gratian from AD 374 until Valens requested Gratian send him to take command of Valens’ forces in AD 378, at this point he was promoted to Magister Peditum. Zosimus claims he went to Constantinople of his own accord due to the intrigues of the eunuchs of the Western court who had Gratian dismiss him from his command in the West. Valens further promoted him to command all his forces during the Gothic conflict of AD 378. He led a picked force of approximately 2,000 men against the Goths who had been plundering the region around Adrianople and surprised them in a night attack, leaving very few survivors and capturing so much loot that on his return to Adrianople he was forced to store some of it outside in the countryside. Perhaps due to this signal victory he persuaded Valens to launch an attack on Fritigern and the Goths making their way down towards Nike before the arrival of Gratian and his army and he perished along with Valens at the Battle of Adrianople. He too was acquainted with Libanius who wrote about him. Suda, using Eunapius, said this of Sebastianus:
Sebastianus. He lived during Valens’ reign. During this reign there was a search for good soldiers, and this man was discovered, who exceeded all expectations since he had all the virtues. He fell short of none of his contemporaries and was justly compared even with the most highly and widely esteemed of the ancients. He loved war but refused to take risks, not for his own sake but for his men. He desired wealth only sufficient to equip him with excellent weapons. He preferred an austere and simple diet, enough to revive his strength but not enough to hinder him at the start of a task. Although he was exceedingly fond of his men, he did not pander to the troops, but erases all their eagerness to plunder the provincials and directed their rapacity against the enemy. Those who disobeyed these ordinances he punished severely, those who obeyed he helped to become wealthy. In a word, he himself was an exemplar of virtue. He held high and illustrious commands, but just as the Colossus of Rhodes, though striking because of its size, is not loved, so he, through an object of wonderment because of his lack of greed, did not inspire affection.
Victor
Place and date of birth unknown. He was a Sarmatian who attained high rank and status. First serving under Constantius II, upon that emperor’s death in AD 360, he then served under Julian and accompanied him on his invasion of Sassanid Persia, acting as Comes Rei Militaris. Before Julian’s death he was promoted to Magister Peditum and on Julian’s death Jovian appeared to promote him to Magister Equitum. After the defeat of Procopius, and before the commencement of Valens’ first Gothic war in AD 367, Victor was dispatched to the Goths to demand the reasons why they had supported Procopius’ revolt. After the conclusion of that war in AD 369 he was sent with Arinthaeus to negotiate the terms of the treaty. He became a consul in AD 369. In AD 377 Valens sent him with Urbicius to the Sassanids to commence negotiations over Armenia but these were interrupted when he was recalled due to the on-going Gothic crisis. He was one of the high ranking officers consulted by Valens about what action to take before the Battle of Adrianople and Victor was one of those who counselled waiting for Gratian and his army. Having survived that battle he went to the West and was one of the first to inform Gratian of Valens’ defeat. He travelled to Constantinople around AD 380 where he retired from active service.
He married the daughter of the Saracen Queen Mavia not long after the Battle of Adrianople. Like Richomeres and Sebastianus he was acquainted with Libanius who wrote about him. Ammianus said of him that although he was ‘a Sarmartian by birth’ he was ‘foresighted and careful’, qualities not usually associated with the Sarmartians!
The Goths
Athanaricus
Place and date of birth unknown. Athanaricus appears to have at one time been King of the Greuthungi Goths, because Ammianus calls him ‘their most powerful ruler’ when describing Valens’ attack in AD 369. Yet later, Athanaricus is noted as being one of the Kings of the Tervingi Goths. Whatever the case may be, Athanaricus was the Gothic ruler whom Valens fought against in his Gothic campaigns from AD 367 to AD 369 and with whom he conducted the Treaty of AD 369 on the Danube. In the histories of Sozomen and Socrates they state that Athanaricus had a rival, Fritgern, and that a civil war broke out between the two. It may well be that there was a faction of the Goths, led by Fritigern, who were unhappy with the way that Athanaricus had conducted himself against Valens and as a result sided with Fritigern. Whatever the reasons, Fritgern appealed to the Romans for assistance and Valens sent a force stationed in Thrace to assist and as a result Athanaricus retreated with those Goths who remained faithful to him. There is some confusion in Zosimus’ history as he sets this civil war after Adrianople, Theodosius I sending troops to aid Fritgern. As a result of this action by Fritgern, and Fritgern’s conversion to Christianity, Athanaricus was stated as persecuting and putting to death Christians.
In AD 376 the Huns ravaged the territory of the Goths, defeating Athanaricus during a night assault and forcing him and his followers to seek refuge in the mountains bordering the old province of Dacia. He may have attempted to repair the old Roman frontier wall, the Limes Transalutanus, and use it as a defence against the Huns but he was attacked again by the Huns before the work was completed and he was forced once more to retreat. At this point many of his followers deserted him and headed for the perceived safety of the Roman Empire instead. Athanaricus decided on this course of action himself as he appeared on the banks of the Da
nube with his followers possibly accompanying Vithericus, King of the Greuthungi Goths, and the chieftains Alatheus, Saphrax and Farnobius. Athanaricus apparently remembered at this point that Valens may well have pointed out that Athanaricus told him he had taken a solemn oath never to enter Roman territory, hence his meeting Valens halfway on the Danube in AD 369, and as a result he led his remaining followers to the Carpathian mountains where Ammianus noted that Athanaricus had previously driven out the Sarmatians.
Athanaricus is next heard of seeking asylum within the Eastern Empire in January AD 381, where he was received very cordially, despite his previously being accused of persecuting Christian Goths. In fact, such was the esteem that Theodosius held him in that when Athanaricus died a short while after crossing into the Roman Empire he was buried with full honours due to a great king.
Fritigern
Place and date of birth unknown. The first we hear of Fritigern is when he made an appeal to Valens for support in the civil war between himself and Athanaricus. Valens’ support gave Fritigern victory, and as a result both he and his followers converted to the Arian Christian faith. The next time we hear of him is when he arrived on the bank of the Danube in AD 376 with another Gothic chieftain called Alavivas, both apparently leading the Tervingi Goths. Fritigern and Alavivas sent envoys to Valens and he allowed them entry into Thrace, probably as a result of being given promises of Gothic warriors as auxiliaries, which would have greatly increased his Sassanid Persia expeditionary force, as well as cutting down on the expense of raising levies. However, the situation between the Goths and the Romans began to breakdown due to the inept treatment they were receiving. This led to open revolt when, as seen in Chapter 7, an attempt was made on both Fritgern and Alvivas’ lives at a banquet given by the Roman Lupicinus.
Fritigern appears at this point to take control of most of the Tervingi on the Roman side of the Danube and for the next two years his Goths ravaged Thrace. It’s not recorded whether he was leading the Goths at Ad Salices, but there is no reason to suppose not. It is doubtful he was the chieftain leading the Goths who made an attempt prior to the Battle of Adrianople at Constantinople itself, as recorded by Sozomen and I have discussed in a previous chapter. His most memorable act was leading the Goths to victory at Adrianople in AD 378. He appears to have led the Goths for several more years after the Battle of Adrianople, even making an attempt upon Constantinople, but is not heard of after AD 381, presumably due to his death.
Alatheus and Saphrax
Places and dates of birth unknown. The first we hear about these two chieftains is in Ammianus where after the suicide of the Greuthungi King Ermenrichus they took control of his young son Viderichus. We then next hear of them accompanying the Goths under Fritigern and it was the cavalry under both of their commands that was instrumental in the Roman defeat at Adrianople. We last hear of them in Zosimus where they accompany Fritigern again on his campaign against Athanaricus and forcing him to seek refuge in the Roman Empire. However, Zosimus’ account conflicts with those of both Ammianus and Sozomen. It has been conjectured that Saphrax may have been of Hunnic origin due to his name.
Chapter Seventeen
The Sources
There are a number of ancient sources concerning Valens’ Gothic wars and I have included here the more important surviving historical accounts, omitting those that are very brief or add nothing of value, such as that by Theodoret, Zonarius etc. Whilst some of these accounts are quite lengthy, they are important to the narrative, and are included here together for the first time.
Ammianus Marcellinus – Res Gestae Book XXXI (The Battle of Adrianople)
But on the dawn of that day which is numbered in the calendar as the fifth before the Ides of August the army began its march with extreme haste, leaving all its baggage and packs near the walls of Hadrianopolis with a suitable guard of legions; for the treasury, and the insignia of imperial dignity besides, with the prefect and the emperor’s council, were kept within the circuit of the walls. So after hastening a long distance over rough ground, while the hot day was advancing towards noon, finally at the eighth hour they saw the wagons of the enemy, which, as the report of the scouts had declared, were arranged in the form of a perfect circle. And while the barbarian soldiers, according to their custom, uttered savage and dismal howls, the Roman leader so drew up their line of battle that the cavalry on the right wing were first pushed forward, while the greater part of the infantry waited in reserve. But the left wing of the horsemen (which was formed with the greatest difficulty, since very many of them were still scattered along the roads) was hastening to the spot at swift pace. And while that same wing was being extended, still without interruption, the barbarians were terrified by the awful din, the hiss of whirring arrows and the menacing clash of shields; and since a part of their forces under Alatheus and Saphrax was far away and, though sent for, had not yet returned, they sent envoys to beg for peace. The emperor scorned these because of their low origin, demanding for the execution of a lasting treaty that suitable chieftains be sent; meanwhile the enemy purposely delayed, in order that during the pretended truce their cavalry might return, who, they hoped, would soon make their appearance; also that our soldiers might be exposed to the fiery summer heat and exhausted by their dry throats, while the broad plains gleamed with fires, which the enemy were feeding with wood and dry fuel, for this same purpose. To that evil was added another deadly one, namely, that men and beasts were tormented by severe hunger.
Meanwhile Fritigern, shrewd to foresee the future and fearing the uncertainty of war, on his own initiative sent one of his common soldiers as a herald, requesting that picked men of noble rank be sent to him at once as hostages and saying that he himself would fearlessly meet the threats of his soldiers and do what was necessary. The proposal of the dreaded leader was welcome and approved, and the tribune Aequitius, then marshal of the court and a relative of Valens, with the general consent was chosen to go speedily as a surety. When he objected, on the ground that he had once been captured by the enemy but had escaped from Dibaltum, and therefore feared their unreasonable anger, Richomeres voluntarily offered his own services and gladly promised to go, thinking this also to be a fine act and worthy of a brave man. And soon he was on his way [bringing] proofs of his rank and birth… As he was on his way to the enemy’s rampart, the archers and the targeteers, then under the command of one Bacurius of Hiberia and Cassio, had rushed forward too eagerly in hot attack, and were already engaged with their adversaries; and as their charge had been untimely, so their retreat was cowardly; and thus they gave an unfavourable omen to the beginning of the battle. This unseasonable proceeding not only thwarted the prompt action of Richomeres, who was not allowed to go at all, but also the Gothic cavalry, returning with Alatheus and Saphrax, combined with a band of the Halani, dashed out as a thunderbolt does near high mountains, and threw into confusion all those whom they could find in the way of their swift onslaught, and quickly slew them.
On every side armour and weapons clashed, and Bellona, raging with more than usual madness for the destruction of the Romans, blew her lamentable war-trumpets; our soldiers who were giving way rallied, exchanging many encouraging shouts, but the battle, spreading like flames, filled their hearts with terror, as numbers of them were pierced by strokes of whirling spears and arrows. Then the lines dashed together like beaked ships, pushing each other back and forth in turn, and tossed about by alternate movements, like waves at sea.
And because the left wing, which had made its way as far as the very wagons, and would have gone farther if it had had any support, being deserted by the rest of the cavalry, was hard pressed by the enemy’s numbers, it was crushed, and overwhelmed, as if by the downfall of a mighty rampart. The foot-soldiers thus stood unprotected, and their companies were so crowded together that hardly anyone could pull out his sword or draw back his arm. Because of clouds of dust the heavens could no longer be seen, and echoed with frightful cries. Hence the arrows whirling death f
rom every side always found their mark with fatal effect, since they could not be seen beforehand nor guarded against. But when the barbarians, pouring forth in huge hordes, trampled down horse and man, and in the press of ranks no room for retreat could be gained anywhere, and the increased crowding left no opportunity for escape, our soldiers also, showing extreme contempt of falling in the fight, received their death-blows, yet struck down their assailants; and on both sides the strokes of axes split helmet and breastplate. Here one might see a barbarian filled with lofty courage, his cheeks contracted in a hiss, hamstrung or with right hand severed, or pierced through the side, on the very verge of death threateningly casting about his fierce glance; and by the fall of the combatants on both sides the plains were covered with the bodies of the slain strewn over the ground, while the groans of the dying and of those who had suffered deep wounds caused immense fear when they were heard. In this great tumult and confusion the infantry, exhausted by their efforts and the danger, when in turn strength and mind for planning anything were lacking, their lances for the most part broken by constant clashing, content to fight with drawn swords, plunged into the dense masses of the foe, regardless of their lives, seeing all around that every loophole of escape was lost. The ground covered with streams of blood whirled their slippery foothold from under them, so they could only strain every nerve to sell their lives dearly; and they opposed the onrushing foe with such great resolution that some fell by the weapons of their own comrades. Finally, when the whole scene was discoloured with the hue of dark blood, and wherever men turned their eyes heaps of slain met them, they trod upon the bodies of the dead without mercy. Now the sun had risen higher, and when it had finished its course through Leo, and was passing into the house of the heavenly Virgo, scorched the Romans, who were more and more exhausted by hunger and worn out by thirst, as well as distressed by the heavy burden of their armour. Finally our line was broken by the onrushing weight of the barbarians, and since that was the only resort in their last extremity, they took to their heels in disorder as best they could.
Eagles in the Dust Page 17