Crown of Blood

by Nicola Tallis

  The Council had expressed their desire to have a ‘man of honour’ to fill the role, but Henry’s appointment is perplexing.19 He had little military experience, and had never excelled in this field, as his previous experience in Boulogne had revealed, nor had he shown any willingness to pursue such a role. Nevertheless, in April the Imperial ambassador reported that ‘the Marquis of Dorset, who has been appointed the King’s lieutenant in the North Country, set out in that direction a short time ago with eighty horse’.20 By 9 April he had reached Bradgate, probably with his wife and daughters in tow, and it was from here that he wrote to the Secretary of State, William Cecil, who was also a family friend, about an alteration that needed to be made to his warden’s patent. One cannot help but feel that he was employing stalling tactics to postpone his departure for the north.

  By 2 May, however, Henry was in Berwick where he had the support of three sub-wardens: Lord Ogle, Sir Nicholas Strelley and Lord John Conyers. From here he wrote to Cecil, begging him to intercede with the Council in order to send money with which to pay his garrison: ‘I have written for money to relieve the poor garrisons here on their lamentable complaints. I long to hear from you, as they that inhabit hell would gladly hear how they do that be in heaven.’21 Henry’s complaints were understandable, for Berwick was a world away from life at court. Jane, though, who had recently begun a correspondence with the renowned Heinrich Bullinger, wrote proudly to the theologian that her father had ‘been summoned by most weighty business in his majesty’s service to the remotest parts of Britain’.22 However honourable the position may have been, Henry continued to complain. Having heard nothing from Cecil in response to his pleas, he wrote again on 18 May, repeating his request for money: ‘Pray further my request. I want money, for the soldiers of Berwick garrison are in great want of money. Pray be a means that the Lords may consider their poor estate and long bearing.’23 Henry’s health was also troubling him, and he craved permission to visit Newcastle for a short time, ‘where I hope to have my health better’.24 It is unclear whether his last request was granted, but it seems unlikely as on 7 July he was in Alnwick, still dissatisfied with his role, and disquieted at having received no instructions as to ‘how to work in requiting the robberies and murders of the Scots on these frontiers, having no hope for redress by justice’.25

  While Jane’s father was miserably attending to the King’s business on the borders, Jane herself was spending the spring at Bradgate, where she continued with her lessons, and her religious ideas developed even further. Aside from the royal court, whose leader King Edward was equally fervent, Bradgate Park had been at the very centre of patronage for evangelical theologians and devotees. Henry Grey actively encouraged and promoted evangelicalism as far as was possible, and he himself frequently conversed with theologians and men of learning. One of these was the gentleman John Banks, a member of his circle who later informed Heinrich Bullinger that Henry was a particular admirer of his work: ‘The duke also himself devoted as much time as he could steal from the affairs of the nation, in which he was engaged, to the reading of scripture, and especially to your writings, with the milky eloquence of which he used to say that he was wonderfully delighted.’26

  With a father who was so impassioned in his religious beliefs, it is unsurprising that Jane appeared to be following so diligently in his footsteps. What was more, Henry’s relationship with such prominent men would prove to be extremely beneficial for Jane, for soon it was not only her parents and her tutor who took an interest in her intellectual abilities; she also quickly gained a reputation among some of the leading scholars and advocates of evangelicalism in Europe. The fact that she was spoken about by them, both before and after her death, demonstrates just how remarkable she was. Most prominent among these was Heinrich Bullinger himself. Though she was more than thirty years his junior, Jane began a correspondence with Bullinger that she found most fulfilling. On one occasion she even sent a gift of a pair of gloves to Bullinger’s wife, and referred to him as ‘the father of learning’.27 The correspondence almost certainly began in 1551, and Jane was clearly overwhelmed by his attentions to someone ‘girlish and unlearned’ in ‘condescending to write to me, a stranger, and in supplying the necessary instruction for the adornment of my understanding and the improvement of my mind’.28 Her letters to Bullinger provide one of the few visible signs of affection in Jane’s character, and are all the more touching considering that she never met him personally.

  It was extraordinary that such a renowned theologian should pay such regard to the teenage daughter of a marquess – even one possessed of royal blood. That Jane had established a correspondence with Bullinger was in itself exceptional, for no other teenage girls of this period are known to have done so, and the fact that Bullinger responded with such enthusiasm demonstrates how impressed he was by her. Furthermore, it highlights Jane’s desire to be noticed by men whose religious ideas she admired, and her apparent disinterest in having friends of her own age.

  Master Aylmer also approved of Bullinger’s interest. On 29 May he wrote to thank the pastor for his flattering attention to his pupil:

  For what favour more useful to herself, or gratifying to the marquis, or acceptable to me, can possibly be afforded her, not only by you, but also by any other person of equal learning and piety, than that she, whom her father loves as a daughter, and whom I look upon with affection as a pupil, may derive such maxims of conduct from your godly breast, as may assist her towards living well and happily?29

  Aylmer’s admiration for his pupil was clear, and he believed that Bullinger’s encouragement could only enhance Jane’s abilities. It was Bullinger whom Aylmer sought advice from when he grew concerned about the amount of time Jane was committing to music. Jane already admired the theologian, but now that they were writing to one another Aylmer exhorted him to ‘prescribe to her the length of time she may properly devote to the study of music. For in this respect also people err beyond measure in this country, while their whole labour is undertaken, and exertions made, for the sake of ostentation.’30 Jane was a committed reformer, and for that reason Aylmer clearly believed that Bullinger’s opinion would carry some weight in the matter, for he continued, ‘there will probably, through your influence, be some accession to the ranks of virtue’.31 Aylmer attributed Jane’s interest in music, ‘which Plato calls the bait of mischief’, to her youth. But he was concerned that it distracted her from

  [t]hose studies which are attended with the praise of virtue. In proportion therefore as the present age teems with many disorders, must more careful and discreet physicians be sought for; that the diligence, and labour, and exertion of excellent men may either remove or correct such evils as are implanted by the corruption of nature, and the infirmity of youth.32

  Shortly after Aylmer’s letter the matter was resolved, for Jane appeared to have settled down and devoted herself to her studies, much to Aylmer’s satisfaction. It was Bullinger, however, whom Aylmer believed should receive the credit: ‘You have acted therefore with much kindness in administering to the improvement of this young lady; and if you will proceed in the same course, you will afford great benefit to herself, and gratification to her father.’33

  Jane must have revelled in the flattery of both her tutor and Bullinger. This is confirmed in the first of her surviving letters to the pastor, dated 12 July 1551.34 Honoured by Bullinger’s recent kind attentions to her, Jane began her letter by thanking him for his interest in her:

  I give you, most learned sir, unceasing thanks, and shall do so as long as I live, for I cannot engage to requite the obligation; as I seem to myself quite unable to make a suitable return for such exceeding courtesy, unless indeed you should be of opinion that I return a favour while I retain it in my remembrance.35

  It was clear that she appreciated his notice and the time that he had taken to converse with her, but more than that, he had struck a chord with her:

  Because your writings are of such a character, as that they c
ontain, not mere ordinary topics for amusement, but pious and divine thoughts for instruction, admonition and counsel, on such points especially, as are suited to my age and sex and the dignity of my family.36

  No doubt encouraged by the stimulating conversations she had enjoyed with Aylmer, John of Ulm and the family chaplain, James Haddon, Jane continued to thank Bullinger for an epistle that he had sent her:

  In this epistle, as in every thing else that you have published to the great edification of the Christian commonwealth, you have shown yourself not only a man of exquisite learning and singular acquirement, but also a skillful, prudent, and godly counsellor; one who can relish nothing that is not excellent, think nothing that is not divine, enjoin nothing that is not profitable, and produce nothing that is not virtuous, pious, and worthy of so reverend a father.

  Jane had found a great deal of intellectual stimulation in Bullinger’s work, and so in awe of the theologian was she that she could barely contain her enthusiasm, and considered their relationship to be a source of immense inspiration: ‘Oh! Happy me, to be possessed of such a friend and so wise a counsellor! And to be connected by the ties of friendship and intimacy with so learned a man, so pious a divine, and so intrepid a champion of true religion!’37

  Bullinger, however, was not the only theologian whom Jane admired, for her letter continued in praise of the German-born Martin Bucer. Bucer was a leading Protestant churchman, and had been among those continental theologians whose advice was sought in the matter of Henry VIII’s separation from Katherine of Aragon. He had written several treatises on religion, and eventually travelled to England where he took up a teaching post at Cambridge. Bucer was also a close friend of Jane’s step-grandmother, Katherine Willoughby, and Archbishop Cranmer, under whose auspices he was presented to King Edward in 1549.38 At the time of Jane’s letter, Bucer had recently died in Cambridge, the Latin eulogy at his funeral being given by Walter Haddon, the brother of Jane’s family chaplain, James.39 It seems probable that he had met Jane on at least one occasion, and had been instrumental in her development.40 Aylmer made a touching remark about him, ‘whom when alive we reverenced as a father, and the remembrance of whom, now that he is no more, we most constantly retain as of a messenger of God’, and Jane too was fond of him:

  On many accounts I consider myself beholden to Almighty God; but especially for having, after I was bereaved of the pious Bucer, that most learned man and holy father, who unweariedly did not cease, day and night, and to the utmost of his ability, to supply me with all necessary instructions and directions for my conduct in life; and who by his excellent advice promoted and encouraged my progress and advancement in all virtue, godliness, and learning.41

  Such warmth certainly indicates that she knew Bucer, and highlights the gratitude that Jane felt for those who had been an influence in her life. Most of her admiration, though, was directed towards Bullinger.

  For a girl of Jane’s age and status, such letters were unusual. Though her cousin the Lady Elizabeth was undoubtedly learned and earned the admiration of all of her tutors, there is no record of her conversing with contemporary theologians, nor is it likely that she did so. Jane was unique. As she continued her letter in gushing tones, she explained exactly why the theologian’s correspondence with her meant so much:

  If you will consider the motive by which I am actuated, namely, that I may draw forth from the storehouse of your piety such instruction as may tend both to direct my conduct, and confirm my faith in Christ my Saviour, your goodness cannot, and your wisdom will not, allow you to censure them.42

  She wanted to improve her mind, and felt sure that Bullinger’s advice would assist her as she strove hard to be the virtuous evangelical maiden that her parents were so eager she should become. She seems to have had some sense of her own abilities, and Bullinger had clearly praised her, as her response shows:

  I now come to that part of your letter which contains a commendation of myself, which as I cannot claim, so also I ought not to allow: but whatever the divine goodness may have bestowed upon me, I ascribe solely to himself, as the chief and sole author of any thing in me that bears any semblance of what is good; and to whom I entreat you, most accomplished sir, to offer your constant prayers on my behalf, that he may so direct me and all my actions, that I may not be found unworthy of his so great goodness.43

  Jane evidently believed that she had God to thank for her academic gifts, and that it was to him that she should be thankful. Bullinger had recently sent Jane and her father a copy of his Decades, and this had impacted greatly on Jane. Her ebullient spirit for evangelicalism shone through as she thanked the author:

  From that little volume of pure and unsophisticated religion, which you lately sent to my father and myself, I gather daily, as out of a most beautiful garden, the sweetest flowers. My father also, as far as his weighty engagements permit, is diligently occupied in the perusal of it: but whatever advantage either of us may derive from thence, we are bound to render thanks to you for it, and to God on your account; for we cannot think it right to receive with ungrateful minds such and so many truly divine benefits, conferred by Almighty God through the instrumentality of yourself and those like you.44

  The comparison between Bullinger’s book and ‘a most beautiful garden’ demonstrates how much value Jane placed on the author’s work, and reveals that she was savouring his every word of guidance. Her letter was remarkable, not only for its length, but also for its evidently genuine and heartfelt enthusiasm in the cause of religion. It is even more extraordinary considering that Jane had never met Bullinger, and she must have realized that it was unlikely she would ever do so. In spite of that, her words signify that she was comfortable expressing herself and her views on parchment, and to one who was internationally revered. John of Ulm was not exaggerating when he informed Bullinger that Jane was ‘pious and accomplished beyond what can be expressed’.45 She clearly revelled in the attentions of learned men such as Bullinger, and was determined to strive to make herself worthy of that attention.

  Jane’s correspondence with Bullinger had sparked something in her, and what was more, she seemed more determined to impress than ever. Unsatisfied with her current programme of studies and intent on learning more, she expressed an interest in learning Hebrew. In this she sought the advice of another of her father’s protégés, the visiting John of Ulm.46 Described by Aylmer as ‘that excellent and talented youth’, John had arrived at Bradgate in the spring of 1551, having returned from the north whence he had initially accompanied his patron.47 With barely time to settle in, Jane had eagerly consulted him about how she could best approach learning this new and challenging language. Having passed ‘these two days very agreeably with Jane, my lord’s daughter, and those excellent and holy persons Aylmer and Haddon’, John felt himself ill qualified to comment but eager to help.48 He immediately wrote to his friend in Zurich, the noteworthy Hebrew scholar, Konrad Pellican, to ask for advice. Writing on the same day as Aylmer’s letter to Bullinger, John explained that Jane was ‘[a] lady who is well versed in Greek and Latin, and who is now especially desirous of studying Hebrew. I have been staying with her these two days: she is inquiring of me the best method of acquiring that language, and cannot easily discover the path which she may pursue with credit and advantage.’49

  Jane had also taken the time to consult Bullinger on the matter, writing to him that ‘as I am now beginning to learn Hebrew, if you will point out some way and method of pursuing this study to the greatest advantage, you will confer on me a very great obligation’.50 John, however, believed that Bullinger would be more than happy for Pellican to take on the task, ‘because all the world is aware of your perfect knowledge of that language’.51 It was of importance because ‘By your acceding to my request, she will be more easily kept in her distinguished course of learning.’52 As it transpired, both Pellican and Bullinger were delighted to advise Jane, and thanking him for his instruction, Jane told Bullinger that ‘I shall pursue that method w
hich you so clearly point out.’53

  Bullinger corresponded with Jane for two years, sending her advice and conversing with her on the subject of religion. The time span and the intensity of Jane’s letters are somewhat misleading, however, for only three letters from Jane to the pastor survive, and these may have been the only ones she wrote.54 In her third surviving letter, dated 1553, Jane complained that ‘I am at a great distance from you, the couriers are few, and news reaches me slowly’, a reflection of the fact that methods of delivering letters were unreliable, and could take several months or longer to reach their intended recipient.55 Nevertheless, she revelled in Bullinger’s attention, on one occasion gushing, ‘Let me but obtain your indulgence, and I shall consider myself on every account exceedingly indebted to your kindness.’56

  One of Jane’s truly exceptional talents was her memory. As John Banks explained to Bullinger, ‘The whole family of the Greys, and Jane especially, derived incredible benefit from your writings. She indeed had not only diligently perused, but also committed to memory, almost all the heads of your sixth Decade.’57 This was incredibly impressive, particularly given that the sermons that made up Bullinger’s Decades could be in excess of forty pages long! It is also interesting to note Banks’s reference to Jane’s ‘whole family’. This confirms that it was not just Jane and her father who were reading Bullinger’s work, but also her mother. What was more, Banks’s comment suggests that Frances found Bullinger’s writing to be of interest. She evidently kept herself well informed in matters of religion, but did not display the same energy as her husband or her daughter. At eleven and six, Jane’s sisters were still very young and are unlikely to have shown much enthusiasm for such weighty religious works, though they perhaps had sections read to them instead.