Crown of Blood

by Nicola Tallis

  52 Ibid.

  53 Robinson (ed.), Original Letters, p. 8.

  54 None of Bullinger’s letters to Jane survive.

  55 Robinson (ed.), Original Letters, p. 9.

  56 Ibid., p. 10.

  57 Ibid., p. 305.

  58 Jordan (ed.), The Chronicle and Political Papers of King Edward VI, p. 75.

  59 In March 1551 the Imperial ambassador reported that ‘my Lord of Warwick has been trying his utmost to marry his daughter to the Duke of Suffolk, and my Lord of Somerset has also been endeavouring to obtain the Duke for his. The Duke’s widowed mother, however, has refused both matches on the ground that her son is too young, only fifteen or sixteen years old, and in order to avoid his being worked upon she has managed to obtain the King’s and Council’s leave to take him away from Court for a time.’

  60 The palace at Buckden had at one time been the residence of the disgraced Katherine of Aragon, following her separation from Henry VIII.

  61 The brothers were buried together at Buckden.

  62 Wood, Royal and Illustrious Ladies of Great Britain, I (London, 1846), p. 254.

  63 CSPS, X, p. 341.

  Chapter 10: Godly Instruction

  1 J.G. Nichols (ed.), The Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, Camden Society Old Series, LIII (London, 1852), p. 72.

  2 J.G. Nichols (ed.), The Diary of Henry Machyn, Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London (1550–1563), Camden Society (London, 1848), p. 11.

  3 Ascham, Works, pp. 239–40.

  4 Ascham did not return to England until 1553, after Mary’s accession.

  5 A. de Guaras, The Accession of Queen Mary, ed. and trans. R. Garnett (London, 1892), p. 100.

  6 J. Aylmer, An harborowe for faithfull and trewe subjectes agaynst the late blowne Blaste concerninge the government of wemen (Strasbourg, 1559), pp. 194–5.

  7 Robinson (ed.), Original Letters, pp. 278–9.

  8 It has frequently been stated that the lady to whom Jane spoke was Mistress Ellen, but in Aylmer’s original text the lady is unnamed.

  9 Aylmer, An harborowe, pp. 195–6.

  10 Ibid.

  11 Ibid.

  12 Ibid.

  13 CSPS, X, p. 392.

  14 Jordan (ed.), The Political Papers of King Edward VI, p. 94.

  15 Ibid.

  16 J.G. Nichols (ed.), The Literary Remains of King Edward VI (London, 1851), p. 390.

  17 J. Stow, The Annales of England (London, 1592), p. 494.

  18 Chapman, Lady Jane Grey, p. 88. Chapman cites Agnes Strickland as her source, but Strickland gives no clue as to where the story came from. It is not referred to by any contemporary source so we may assume that it was a later invention.

  19 At a similar time to the Suffolks’ inheritance of the Charterhouse, Edward VI granted Henry the Minory House close to the Tower. It had at one time been the Convent of the Little Sister of St Francis, and at the beginning of the sixteenth century it had been the home of several women who had good reason to know about the fate of the Princes in the Tower. In 1553, however, Henry gave this to his brothers, Thomas and John, and his half-brother George Medley. Sir John Harington was also given use of the house. All four men appear to have used it at some time.

  20 Robinson (ed.), Original Letters, p. 8.

  21 Mildred was the daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke, and came from a family noted for their academic pursuits. Mildred and her four sisters were supposedly educated at home, where four of them became celebrated for their intellect. At some point, Mildred’s sister Anne served in the household of Jane’s cousin, the Lady Mary.

  22 Ascham, Works, pp. 183–4.

  23 Eric Ives highlights that in at least one of his letters to Cecil, Henry addressed him as ‘cousin’.

  24 The exact date of the letter is unknown, but it almost certainly dates from 1552.

  25 TNA EXT 9/51 from SP 10/15, No. 79 ii.

  26 It seems probable that Jane would have replied to this kind gesture, but if she did then sadly her response has not survived.

  27 Three books were dedicated to Mildred in her lifetime. She was a great collector of books, and presented several to various educational institutions. More than thirty of her books still survive, seventeen of which are in the collection at Hatfield House.

  28 Today he is often referred to as Saint Basil the Great.

  29 J. Stow, A Summarie of Englyshe Chronicles (London, 1565), p. 292.

  30 CSPD, XIV, pp. 42–4.

  31 Ibid.

  32 Robinson (ed.), Original Letters, p. 447.

  Chapter 11: A Comely, Virtuous and Goodly Gentleman

  1 Stow, Annales, p. 296.

  2 J. Stow, Two London Chronicles, ed. C.L. Kingsford, Camden Miscellany (London, 1910), p. 296.

  3 The Imperial ambassador first referred to Edward’s illness on 17 February, though he was unsure at that time how serious it was.

  4 Wingfield, Vita Mariae, p. 244.

  5 Ibid., p. 250.

  6 Ibid., p. 249.

  7 Archbishop Cranmer had been married twice, having taken his second wife in 1532. The marriage was initially kept secret.

  8 Ellis (ed.), Original Letters, p. 141.

  9 CSPS, XI, p. 8.

  10 CSPS, XI, p. 9.

  11 Ibid.

  12 Ibid.

  13 CSPS, XI, p. 19.

  14 Ibid.

  15 Commendone, Accession, p. 4.

  16 CSPS, XI, p. 17.

  17 CSPS, XI, p. 46. In the same report, the ambassador claimed that ‘It is said that if the Duke of Northumberland felt himself well supported, he would find means to marry his eldest son, the Earl of Warwick, to the Lady Elizabeth, after causing him to divorce his wife, daughter of the late Duke of Somerset; or else that he might find it expedient to get rid of his own wife and marry the said Elizabeth himself, and claim the crown for the house of Warwick as descendants of the House of Lancaster.’ There is no further evidence that Northumberland made moves towards either of these things.

  18 CSPS, XI, p. 35.

  19 Ibid.

  20 Ibid.

  21 Wingfield, Vita Mariae, p. 244.

  22 CSPS, XI, p. 35.

  23 Wingfield, Vita Mariae, p. 245.

  24 Ibid.

  25 Jane had not been Northumberland’s first choice of a wife for his son. He had initially set his sights on securing Jane’s cousin, Lady Margaret Clifford, as a bride for Guildford. The match had the approval of the King, but it came to nothing when Margaret’s father, the Earl of Cumberland, refused to allow the marriage. At one time it was also reported that Margaret would marry Northumberland’s brother, Sir Andrew Dudley, but this also came to nothing. The reason for the refusal of Margaret’s father to a marriage with Guildford is unclear, but perhaps he simply did not wish to ally himself with Northumberland so closely. On 7 February 1554, Lady Margaret was married to Henry Stanley, Lord Strange, heir of the Earl of Derby.

  26 CSPS, XI, p. 169.

  27 Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, p. 347. King Edward provided the Marchioness of Northampton with new clothes for Jane and Guildford’s wedding – the only non-family member to be mentioned specifically by name, which indicates that she had played some role in organizing the marriage.

  28 Commendone, Accession, p. 5.

  29 CSPS, XI, p. 36.

  30 G. Ziletti, Lettere di Principi, le quali si scrivono o da principi, o a principi, o ragionano di principi, III (Venice, 1577), f. 222.

  31 Wingfield, Vita Mariae, p. 245.

  32 Cited in Lloyd Jones, The Discovery of Hebrew in Tudor England, p. 242.

  33 Ziletti, Lettere, f. 222.

  34 The only example was that of the Empress Matilda, daughter of Henry I. Though nominated as her father’s heir, following Henry’s death in 1135 the throne was seized by Matilda’s cousin, Stephen of Blois. A power struggle ensued and civil war erupted in England. Matilda managed to capture Stephen at Lincoln in 1141, and then controlled the country. However, her perceived arrogance alienated her supporters, and she was driven
away from London before her coronation could take place. Stephen was restored, but Matilda did not give up. From then on, however, all of her efforts were on behalf of her son, who by the terms of the Treaty of Wallingford, succeeded as Henry II following Stephen’s death in 1154.

  35 Commendone, Accession, p. 5.

  36 Ibid.

  37 R. Grafton, An Abridgement of the Chronicles of England (London, 1564), f. 159; Guildford’s date of birth is not recorded, but given the approximate years of the births of his siblings, it has been estimated that his was in around 1535.

  38 The ruins of Dudley Castle still survive, today as part of a zoo. Northumberland was granted the castle in 1546, and undertook a grand programme of rebuilding in the 1540s; Ely Place had been the London residence of the Bishops of Ely since the thirteenth century; Warwick Castle was granted to Northumberland in 1547; on his mother’s tomb, Guildford’s name is spelt Gilford, and in other contemporary sources it appears as both Guilford and Guildford. Guildford was one of thirteen children, eight of which were boys. However, five of his siblings died in childhood (Thomas, Charles, Margaret, Katherine and Temperance), and his elder brother Henry, as noted above, was killed in 1544.

  39 HMC Pepys, pp. 1–2.

  40 Of Guildford’s brothers, John and Robert were certainly well educated, so it seems probable that Guildford was afforded the same attention.

  41 Sadly, no likenesses of Guildford survive. A bronze bearing the kneeling effigies of Guildford and his brothers once adorned the tomb of his mother in Chelsea Old Church, but was unfortunately destroyed. The effigy of Guildford’s sisters kneeling beside their mother, however, can still be seen.

  42 John had married Anne Seymour, eldest daughter of the Lord Protector, in 1550. Ambrose had been married first to Anne Whorwood, but following her death in 1552 had later married for a second time. This time his bride was Elizabeth Tailboys. Following Elizabeth’s death in 1563, Ambrose took as his third wife Anne Russell, daughter of the Earl of Bedford and a maid of honour to Elizabeth I. A day after the wedding of his elder brother John, Robert was married to Amy Robsart, who died in mysterious circumstances in 1560.

  43 Margaret Audley was the sole surviving child of Thomas Audley and his wife, Lady Elizabeth Grey, Jane’s paternal aunt. It is unclear precisely when Margaret’s marriage to Harry Dudley was arranged or performed, but it seems likely that it was organized at a similar time to Jane and Guildford’s in order to bind the two families closer. Margaret was born in 1540, making her thirteen in 1553. As the legal age of cohabitation was twelve for girls and fourteen for boys, the marriage cannot have been performed any earlier than 1552. It had certainly taken place by the summer of 1553. As mentioned above, it is likely that Harry was born around 1538/9.

  44 Mary was happily married to Henry Sidney. Similarly, Robert and Amy Robsart had probably married for love.

  Chapter 12: The First Act of a Tragedy

  1 Surrey History Centre, MS 6729/9/113.

  2 Anne Parr died in February 1552 and was buried in Old St Paul’s Cathedral.

  3 The first reference to the match was made on 12 May, so presumably it had been arranged shortly before, probably at the same time as the arrangements for Jane’s marriage.

  4 Henry Herbert was the dedicatee of Florio’s second grammar book.

  5 Grey had been born in 1536, and was thus nine years older than Mary. He was a distant cousin of Jane’s father.

  6 Surrey History Centre, MS 6729/9/113. Although Katherine Dudley’s date of birth is not recorded, it is possible that she was the youngest of the three brides, and may even have been younger than twelve years old.

  7 As a result of his brother’s influence with the King, Sir Andrew Dudley had also benefited. In 1551 he had been appointed Keeper of the King’s Jewels at the Palace of Westminster.

  8 Jane’s sister and Katherine Dudley were gifted costly fabrics for their wedding dresses. Interestingly, some of the jewels and material listed in the warrant had once been the property of the executed Lord Protector and his wife.

  9 New College Library, Oxford, MS 328, f. 29.

  10 Ibid. The Duchess was also given a clock, and ‘one piece of unicorn horn’.

  11 Ibid.

  12 Ibid.

  13 Ibid.; CSPS, XI, p. 40.

  14 New College Library, Oxford, MS 328, ff. 38–40.

  15 CSPS, XI, p. 40; Surrey History Centre, MS 6729/9/113.

  16 Black and white were considered sober colours for virtuous Protestant maidens such as Jane.

  17 Durham Place has long since vanished, and today the Royal Society of Arts occupies part of the site on which it once stood.

  18 Vows similar to this were exchanged between Henry VIII and Katherine Parr at their wedding on 12 July 1543. L&P, XVIII (873).

  19 J. Norden, Speculi Britannioœ Pars as cited in G.H. Gater and E.P. Wheeler (eds), Survey of London, XVIII (London, 1937), pp. 84–98.

  20 CSPS, XI, p. 40.

  21 Surrey History Centre, MS 6729/9/113.

  22 Wingfield, Vita Mariae, p. 245.

  23 Ziletti, Lettere, f. 222.

  24 Ibid.

  25 Ibid.

  26 CSPS, XI, p. 53.

  27 Ibid.

  28 Ibid.

  29 Ibid., p. 46; Ziletti, Lettere, f. 222.

  30 CSPS, XI, p. 47.

  31 It later became clear that on the orders of the Earl of Pembroke, the marriage had not been consummated. This was a precautionary measure on Pembroke’s part, so that if Northumberland’s ploy were not successful it would be easy to extricate himself by having his son’s marriage annulled on the grounds of non-consummation.

  32 It ought to be remembered that, initially, Edward declared that the throne should pass to Jane’s ‘heirs male’. It was only when it became apparent that Jane was not pregnant that Edward altered the Devise in her favour.

  33 CSPS, XI, p. 47.

  34 CSPS, XI, p. 40.

  35 Ziletti, Lettere, f. 222.

  36 CSPS, XI, p. 40.

  37 Ibid.

  38 Ibid.

  39 Ibid.

  40 CSPS, XI, p. 46.

  41 CSPS, XI, p. 40.

  42 It is probable that the Devise was first drafted in April.

  43 Inner Temple, Petyt MS 538.47, f. 317.

  44 Ibid.

  45 Ibid.

  46 Wingfield, Vita Mariae, p. 246.

  47 Inner Temple, Petyt MS 538.47, f. 317.

  48 Wingfield, Vita Mariae, p. 246.

  49 CSPS, XI, p. 55.

  50 Ibid.

  51 Ziletti, Lettere, f. 222.

  52 Commendone, Accession, p. 45.

  53 Ibid.

  54 Ibid.

  55 R.A. de Vertot and C. Villaret (eds), Ambassades de Meisseurs de Noailles en Angleterre, II (Paris, 1763), p. 57.

  56 Commendone, Accession, p. 45.

  57 CSPS, XI, p. 69.

  58 De Guaras, Accession, p. 87.

  59 CSPS, XI, p. 70.

  60 Ibid.

  61 CSPS, XI, p. 53.

  62 The precise nature of what was administered to Edward is unclear, but whatever it was may have done more harm than good.

  63 CSPS, XI, p. 71.

  64 Ibid.

  65 Cited in C. Skidmore, Edward VI: The Lost King of England (London, 2007), p. 258.

  66 Ibid., p. 106.

  67 Wingfield, Vita Mariae, pp. 249–50.

  68 Lady Mary Sidney was the eldest daughter of the Duke of Northumberland. In 1551 she married Sir Henry Sidney, who had been by Edward VI’s side at the time of his death; Commendone, Accession, pp. 45–6. Syon had probably been chosen because its distance from the centre of London ensured a greater degree of privacy for the scene that was about to take place.

  69 Ziletti, Lettere, f. 221.

  70 I have been unable to find any contemporary evidence that confirms that it was in Syon’s Long Gallery that Jane was offered the crown; the theory rests on a tradition. The Long Gallery was remodelled during the eighteenth century by Robert Adam, bu
t still retains its original structure.

  71 Commendone, Accession, p. 46.

  72 Ibid.

  73 Evidence discussed later strongly suggests that it was the Marchioness of Northampton who first proposed the idea of a marriage between Jane and Guildford Dudley.

  74 G. Pollini, L’Historia Ecclesiastica della Rivoluzion d’Inghilterra (Rome, 1594), p. 355.

  75 Ibid.

  76 Ibid.

  77 Commendone, Accession, p. 7

  78 Vertot and Villaret (eds), Ambassades, p. 211.

  79 Commendone, Accession, p. 7.

  Chapter 13: Long Live the Queen!

  1 Presumably Jane remained at Syon from 6 to 10 July, as no mention is made in contemporary sources of her being moved elsewhere.

  2 CSPS, XI, p. 106.

  3 CSPS, XI, p. 67.

  4 J.G. Nichols (ed.), The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Two Years of Queen Mary, Camden Society (London, 1850), p. 3.

  5 CSPS, XI, p. 106.

  6 Jehan de Montmorency, Jacques de Marnix and Simon Renard had recently arrived in England to support Jehan Scheyfve in his role as ambassador; CSPS, XI, p. 80.

  7 CSPS, XI, p. 45.

  8 CSPS, XI, p. 50.

  9 Ziletti, Lettere, f. 222.

  10 Commendone, Accession, p. 8.

  11 Ziletti, Lettere, f. 223.

  12 Ibid.

  13 Vertot and Villaret (eds), Ambassades, p. 57.

  14 Ziletti, Lettere, f. 222.

  15 Grafton, Abridgement, f. 159.

  16 Following the accession of Mary I, Grafton was excluded from the general pardon and lost his position as the royal printer.

  17 Wingfield, Vita Mariae, p. 271.

  18 CSPS, XI, p. 83. The Imperial ambassadors reported on 11 July that Jane would not leave the Tower until such time as she was crowned.

  19 The Royal Apartments have long since vanished, having been demolished in the eighteenth century.

  20 Henry FitzAlan had been married to Jane’s paternal aunt, Katherine Grey. Following Katherine’s death in 1542, three years later in 1545 FitzAlan had taken as his second wife Mary Arundell, who had served in the households of Jane Seymour, Anne of Cleves and the Lady Mary.

  21 Society of Antiquaries MS 129, f. 7.

  22 Pollini, L’Historia, p. 357. There were several crowns in the royal collection at this time, and it is unclear precisely which crown was used. It may have been the small crown made for Edward VI, which contained diamonds, rubies, sapphires and emeralds.