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Conservatives Without Conscience

Page 28

by John W. Dean

Ibid., 88.

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  66.

  Paul Jalsevac, “Bush Appoints a Pro-Lifer to the UN,” The Interim (July 2004) at http://www.theinterim.com/2004/july/17bushappoints.html.

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  67.

  John C. Danforth, “Onward, Moderate Christian Soldiers,” New York Times (June 17, 2005), A-27.

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  68.

  Bob Altemeyer, The Authoritarian Specter (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996), 147.

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  69.

  Robert Boston, The Most Dangerous Man in America? Pat Robertson and the Rise of the Christian Coalition (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996), 25.

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  70.

  Americans United for Separation of Church and State, “Religious Leader Approves of Sending ‘Squads’ to ‘Take Out’ Foreign Leaders” at http://www.au.org/site/News2?JServSessionIdr005=1uj2ym0jp3.app5b&abbr=pr& page=NewsArticle&id=6179&news_iv_ctrl=1477.

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  71.

  Boston, The Most Dangerous Man in America?, 164.

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  72.

  Ibid., 164, 165.

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  73.

  Ibid., 39.

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  74.

  Americans United for Separation of Church and State, “TV Preacher Pat Robertson Suggests God Removed Israeli Leader Sharon Because of Land Policies” (January 5, 2006) at http://www.au.org/site/News2?JServSessionIdr 006=94g6kp2dr2.app13a&abbr=pr&page=NewsArticle&id=7782&security=1002&news_iv_ctrl=1241.

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  75.

  David Van Biema, “What Was Robertson Thinking? With a $50 million partnership hanging in the balance, Robertson tries to make amends for his insensitive comments toward Israel,” Time (January 13, 2006) at http://www.time.com/time/nation/printout/0,8816,1149156,00.html.

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  76.

  Boston, The Most Dangerous Man in America?, 39.

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  77.

  Joe Queenan, “Bookshelf: New World Order Nut,” Wall Street Journal (December 31, 1991), A-5.

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  78.

  Pat Robertson, Courting Disaster: How the Supreme Court Is Usurping the Power of Congress and the People (Nashville: Integrity Publishers, 2004), 236–37.

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  79.

  Adam Nagourney, Richard W. Stevenson, and Neil A. Lewis, “Glum Democrats Can’t See Halting Bush on Courts,” New York Times (January 15, 2006), A-1.

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  80.

  Robertson, Courting Disaster, 258.

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  81.

  Charles Colson and Nancy Pearcey, “Who holds these truths?,” Christianity Today (October 6, 1997), 144.

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  82.

  For example, Mark Noll mentions Colson’s works when exploring the question “Is an Evangelical Intellectual Renaissance Underway,” in Mark A. Noll, The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1994), 223.

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  83.

  Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 147 (1803).

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  84.

  See David E. Engdahl, “John Marshall’s ‘Jeffersonian’ Concept of Judicial Review,” Duke Law Journal (November 1992), 279, 284–89.

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  85.

  Ibid. Professor Engdahl’s examination of often neglected data is the basis for the summary I have provided of pre-Marbury practices regarding judicial review.

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  86.

  See Michael Stokes Paulsen, “The Most Dangerous Branch: Executive Power to Say What the Law Is,” Georgetown Law Journal (December 1994), 217, 259 n.159. Professor Paulsen argued that presidents do have the power to interpret the law.

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  87.

  Lincoln historian Philip S. Paludan wrote, “Although clear evidence is lacking, it would not be surprising if Lincoln had put him up to it, for the president continued to believe that border-state challenges to slavery would deal a heavy blow to the rebellion.” Phillip Shaw Paludan, The Presidency of Abraham Lincoln at http://www.mrlincolnandfreedom.org/content_inside.asp?ID=56&subjectID=3.

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  Chapter 4: Troubling Politics and Policies

  1.

  Raymond Hernandez, “At King Event, Mrs. Clinton Denounces G.O.P. Leadership,” New York Times (January 18, 2006), A-1.

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  2.

  David Maraniss and Michael Weisskopf, Tell Newt to Shut Up! (New York: Touchstone, 1996), 5.

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  3.

  David Osborne, “Newt Gingrich: Shining King of the Post-Reagan Right,” Mother Jones (November 1, 1984) at http://www.motherjones.com/news/feature/1984/11/osborne.html.

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  4.

  Donald T. Critchlow, “When Republicans Become Revolutionaries.” In Julian E. Zelizer, ed., The American Congress (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2004), 717.

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  5.

  Osborne, “Newt Gingrich: Shining King of the Post-Reagan Right.”

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  6.

  Critchlow, “When Republicans Become Revolutionaries.”

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  7.

  Dan T. Carter, From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963–1994 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), 119.

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  8.

  Ibid.

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  9.

  Ibid.

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  10.

  Evan Thomas, Holly Bailey, and Michael Isikoff, “The Exterminator: Expelled, Born Again. Tom DeLay’s Rise—and the Risks That Could End It,” Newsweek (October 17, 2005), 28.

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  11.

  See “Texas Congressional Redistricting, Gerrymandering, Minority Vote Dilution, Equal Protection, First Amendment, Voting Rights Act,” FindLaw at http://supreme.lp.findlaw.com/supreme_court/docket/2005/March.html.

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  12.

  John Ydstie, “Profile: The K Street Project and Tom DeLay,” Weekend Edition, National Public Radio (January 14, 2006) transcript.

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  13.

  Lou Dubose and Jan Reid, The Hammer: Tom DeLay: God, Money, and the Rise of the Republican Congress (New York: Public Affairs, 2004), 64–65.

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  14.

  John Samples, “Same as the Old Boss? Congressional Reforms under the Republicans.” In The Republican Revolution 10 Years Later: Smaller Government or Business as Usual? (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2005), 23. Neither Samples nor the Cato Institute, which published this book, addresses Gingrich’s campaign to denigrate Congress. In fact, Gingrich is one of the book’s contributors. But the numbers speak for themselves, and Gingrich’s attacks on both members of Congress and the House of Representatives itself was certainly not a stealth campaign.

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  15.

  See Republicans’ 1994 “Contract with America” at http://www.house.gov/house/Contract/CONTRACT.html.

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  16.

  Dubose and Reid, The Hammer, 87.

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  17.

  Ibid., 88.

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  18.

  Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Cycles of American History (New York: Houghton Mifflin, Mariner Book edition, 1986), vii.

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  19.

  Lee H. Hamilton, How Congress Works and Why You Should Care (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), 47.

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  20.

  John Samples, “Same as the Old Boss?,” 23–24.

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  21.

  For example, William M. Welch, “We Exposed Our Souls in Late-Night Gingrich Debate,” USA Today (January 8, 1997), A-1,
refers to Gingrich’s “autocratic and centralized rule of the House majority”; John McQuaid, “Remodeling of House Expected: Livingston to Exercise Restraint as Well as Power,” the New Orleans Times-Picayune (November 11, 1998), A-1, stated, “Historians say Gingrich has been the most powerful speaker since Joseph Cannon, R-Ill., whose autocratic rule early this century eventually led to an open revolt against him and a reining in of his power”; and Congresswoman Barbara Lee (D-CA) characterized the Gingrich/DeLay refusal to allow a vote for censure of President Clinton rather than for impeachment as “one-party autocracy, which we condemn abroad and which history has proven can lead to authoritarian rule,” Washington Post (December 20, 1998), A-42.

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  22.

  Robert Kuttner, “America as a One-Party State: Today’s hard right seeks total dominion. It’s packing the courts and rigging the rules. The target is not the Democrats but democracy itself,” The American Prospect (February 2004) at http://www.prospect.org/print/V15/2/kuttner-r.html.

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  23.

  Stephen Moore, “Worse Than Drunken Sailors,” National Review Online (May 17, 2002) at http://www.nationalreview.com/moore/moore051702.asp. (NRO noted: “Stephen Moore is president of the Club for Growth. This article originally appeared in the Wall Street Journal on May 13, 2002.”)

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  24.

  Norman Ornstein and Thomas Mann, “If You Give a Congressman a Cookie,” New York Times (January 19, 2006) at http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/19/opinion/19ornstein.html?_r=1.

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  25.

  Kuttner, “America as a One-Party State” at http://www.prospect.org/print/V15/2/kuttner-r.html. See also, Joseph G. Cannon, as told to L. White Busbey, Uncle Joe Cannon: The Story of a Pioneer American (New York: Henry Holt, 1927), 243–69. This was an “as-told-to” autobiography published after Cannon’s death. Cannon made the following observation:

  It is true we engage in fierce combat, we are often intense partisans, sometimes we are unfair, not infrequently unjust, brutal at times, and yet I venture to say that, taken as a whole, the House is sound at heart; nowhere else will you find such a ready appreciation of merit and character, in few gatherings of equal size is there so little jealousy and envy. The House must be considerate of the feelings of its Members; there is a certain courtesy that has to be observed; a man may be voted a bore or shunned as a pest, and yet he must be accorded the rights to which he is entitled by virtue of being a representative of the people. On the other hand, a man may be universally popular, a good fellow, amusing and yet with these engaging qualities never get far. The men who have led the House, whose names have become a splendid tradition to their successors, have gained prominence not through luck or by mere accident. They have had ability, at least in some degree; but more than that, they have had character.

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  26.

  Staff report, Economist, “Pyongyang on the Potomac? The Congressional Elections” (September 18, 2004) at http://www.economist.com/world/na/displaystory.cfm?story_id=3203239&tranMode=LA.

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  27.

  Lou Dubose, “The Man with the Plan,” Texas Monthly (August 2004), 1.

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  28.

  See Eddie Jackson et al. v. Rick Perry et al., brief for Appellants, in Supreme Court of the United States at http://www.jenner.com/files/tbl_s69News DocumentOrder/FileUpload500/517/Brief_for_Appellants_in_Jackson_v_ Perry.pdf.

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  29.

  Spencer Overton, “Stealing Liberty: How Politicians Manipulate the Electorate,” The Crisis (January/February 2005), 15. The Crisis is an official publication of the NAACP.

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  30.

  Dan Eggen, “Justice Staff Saw Texas Districting as Illegal; Voting Rights Finding on Map Pushed by DeLay Was Overruled,” Washington Post (December 2, 2005), A-1.

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  31.

  Juliet Eilperin, “House GOP Practices Art of One-Vote Victories,” Washington Post (October 14, 2003), A-1.

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  32.

  Dubose and Reid, The Hammer, 6.

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  33.

  See Robert K. Murray, The Harding Era: Warren G. Harding and His Administration (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1969), 432–33. There is no evidence that President Harding had any involvement with the influence peddling and illegal sale of government property undertaken at the “little green house on K Street.”

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  34.

  Jaun Williams, “The K Street Project and Jack Abramoff,” Morning Edition, National Public Radio (January 11, 2006) transcript.

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  35.

  Jonathan E. Kaplan, “Boehner Can Rely on K Street Cabinet,” The Hill (October 6, 2005) at http://www.hillnews.com/thehill/export/TheHill/News/Frontpage/100605/Boehner.html.

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  36.

  William Norman Grigg, “Trouble with DeLay,” New American (October 31, 2005), 21.

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  37.

  John B. Judis, “Razing McCain,” The American Prospect (March 13, 2000), 15.

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  38.

  Dubose and Reid, The Hammer, 164–66.

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  39.

  Sam Rosenfeld, “Then Came the Hammer,” The American Prospect (December 2004), 51.

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  40.

  Jonathan Alter, “Tom DeLay’s House of Shame,” Newsweek (October 10, 2005) at http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/9557669/site/newsweek/.

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  41.

  Story reported by the American Progress Action Fund (January 20, 2006) at http://www.americanprogressaction.org/site/apps/nl/content2.asp?c=klL WJcP7H&b=1331575&ct=1799805.

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  42.

 

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