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Brown, Dale - Independent 02

Page 61

by Hammerheads (v1. 1)


  Salazar ignored him, going on as if talking to himself. “If Gachez is told about Van Nuys’ disappearance he will take his cocaine and head for the jungle. But if we don’t tell him and the operation is permitted to continue we receive six hundred and fifty million dollars wired to our European and Caribbean accounts in non-refundable, non-traceable American dollars the minute our planes leave Valdivia, plus the one hundred million in cash we already have. If the shipment is intercepted enroute, that money will still be ours. And we can’t be certain that Van Nuys will blab our plan ... at least in time for the Hammerheads to stop us, and that means we make fifteen thousand dollars for every kilo of cocaine that is eventually delivered. We must keep silent until our planes can be loaded and launched out of Valdivia,” Salazar said, a smile appearing. “Even if we lose every plane and every gram of cocaine, the three-quarters of a billion dollars is not too bad ...”

  “But... but what about our pilots? What about Major Trujillo? We know that the Border Security Force is after them, we have an obligation to inform our crewmen—”

  “Garza, you are a good man but think ... if we try to get a message to our crew now, Gachez will intercept it. It is much too risky. We can try to send a message to them after they clear Colombia and the money is safe in our hands—”

  “But Colonel . . . those are your men out there. They are your Cuchillos. These men trust you—”

  “They are not being abandoned, Captain Garza,” Salazar said almost casually, returning to his desk and swiveling around in his chair, a man at peace with himself. “They are brave men, fighting men well aware of the risks. It is prudent to assume that Van Nuys will talk to the Hammerheads, but we are not sure of it—perhaps Gachez has a tighter hold on Van Nuys’ tongue than one imagines. We should not abort the mission because we merely think he will talk.” Garza did not look convinced.

  “In any case, the Hammerheads are still weak, disorganized. They may not be capable of stopping my Cuchillos even if they have the necessary information. The Cuchillos know the procedures in case they are intercepted—avoid detection if possible, avoid pursuit if detected, avoid interception if pursued, avoid attack if intercepted, avoid capture if attacked, and keep silent if captured. We will not abandon them. I have confidence in our pilots to be sufficiently skillful to complete ... to complete at least part of their missions.”

  He stopped his swiveling and fixed Garza with a glare. “You will brief the detachment here that they are to remain silent about the incident tonight. There will be no transmissions whatsoever about it. You will prepare alternate routes for our crews in case we receive word that our mission has been compromised. Above all, you and that useless worm of a security chief will insure that not a word is leaked to anyone outside this base. We can still profit from this disaster, Garza, but only if Gachez never finds out that Van Nuys is gone.”

  CHAPTER TEN

  The White House Oval Office, Washington, D.C.

  The Next Morning

  Vice President Martindale greeted the Mexican ambassador, Dr. Lidia Pereira, at the door of the Oval Office and escorted her in. The President, Secretary of State Conrad Chapman, Chief of Staff Pledgeman, NSC Chairman Curtis, all got to their feet as the young ambassador from Mexico entered.

  “How are you, Mr. President?” Pereira needed no interpreter; her English had not a trace of accent.

  “Very well, Dr. Pereira, thank you.” The President, who at first had underestimated her, knew her now as a smart, tenacious firebrand, a someone to be reckoned with.

  Which was why she was in the White House this morning. Pereira carried a considerable influence in both the United States and Mexico and it was important to win her over early.

  The President turned toward his advisors strategically arranged around the Oval Office. “I believe you know everyone,” but he went through the introductions anyway. “Dr. Pereira,” the President said, “I’m afraid we have an urgent matter to discuss.” He nodded to Vice President Martindale.

  “Madam Ambassador, the United States Border Security Force has received information that a former Cuban military officer, a dual national of Haiti and Cuba, is operating a large-scale drug-smuggling

  operation out of Ciudad del Carmen,” Martindale said. “An informant, a partner in a Colombian drug cartel informs us that major shipments of cocaine will take place within the next few days, bound for the United States by air through central Mexico. As I’m sure you know, drug-smuggling activities through Mexico have sharply increased in recent years. Although the bulk of drug shipments still go through the Caribbean, and probably always will, we estimate that at least thirty to forty percent of illegal narcotics entering the United States now flow through Mexico.”

  “I am aware of that,” Pereira said. “It is not difficult to explain. We do not have the sophisticated air-traffic surveillance and police organization you do—police activities are almost nonexistent in the countryside. We also recognize that at times some of our government officials can be compromised by the enormous sums of money offered by the drug cartels in exchange for silence or non-interference. We are not alone in that. But we patrol our borders with you with all the resources and all the manpower we can possibly provide.”

  “I know that, Madame Ambassador,” Martindale said. “But along with stepped-up education, treatment and enforcement programs, we also have found that interdiction plays a very important part. Our Border Security Force has especially relied on cooperation with our neighbors to help stop the drug smugglers before they cross our borders . . . We need your help in a very special request to your government for a program that we would like to implement immediately.”

  “My staff briefed me this morning when we received your call,” she said. “I assume you are referring to a free-flight operation for your Border Security Force aircraft—your Hammerheads, I believe you call them. Am I correct?”

  “Yes. Our proposal is simple: allow Border Security Force aircraft with Mexican justice department or federal police forces aboard to fly across the Mexican border in hot pursuit of aircraft not cleared to enter the United States, or aircraft that are flying a smuggler’s profile typical of drug smugglers—low altitude, no identification beacons or radio broadcasts, no flight plan or official clearance. The program has been implemented in other Caribbean and Central American nations with success. The Bahamas, the Turks and Caicos, Anguilla, the Dominican Republic, Honduras—even Bolivia and Colombia use our aircraft and resources in their own fight against drug smugglers. We provide protection, transportation, advisors, money and training in exchange for the added security that stepped-up patrols in other countries provide. We do not interfere with enforcement matters not under our jurisdiction.

  “Mexico has provided a great deal of support and cooperation in our drug interdiction, intelligence and surveillance operations, but more is needed. Mexico, I’m afraid, remains a safe haven for drug smugglers—”

  “An unfair and exaggerated characterization—”

  “Our aircraft are forbidden to cross the border without prior permission,” Martindale pressed on, not responding to her protest. “Notification is usually unsuitable for such fast-breaking operations as confront us today, and is too easily exploited by the drug smugglers. Mexico is now the most vital link in our efforts to control drug smuggling into the United States. Will you help us, Dr. Pereira?”

  “Mexico already has such a program, Mr. Vice President. We extend a great deal of support to your Drug Enforcement Administration agents, and we cooperate with your Customs Service, the Coast Guard, your Border Patrol and your local police departments.”

  “True, Dr. Pereira, but here’s what we now face: unidentified aircraft crossing our border with Mexico know that Border Security Force aircraft are not permitted to cross the border, and they know that if they are discovered by us they can simply fly right back across the border into Mexico to safety. An aircraft making drug drops anywhere near the border feels confident he can escape interceptio
n. If he’s found he simply flies south to safety, lands, refuels and tries again later. If he makes a drop on the Mexico side of the border the drugs are dispersed and border crossings can be made on foot or by off-road vehicles, with a very good chance of safely moving the drugs north—”

  “I believe all that is grossly overestimated,” Pereira said flatly. “My government responds very well to requests by U.S. Customs to such border intrusions, and we respond with all the enforcement assets we have. Our anti-drug task forces are the best-equipped and best- trained people in Mexico. I realize they may not be up to the standards of the Hammerheads . . .” She paused, a hint of derision in her tone, “. . . but my government believes our efforts are in proportion to the level of the drug problem that exists . . . for the Mexican people.”

  “I take your point,” he said. “There would be no drug-smuggling if the demand for drugs were not so high in our country. But the facts remain, a drug problem does exist in your country as well as ours. And your country has become a major pipeline for the flow of illegal drugs. We have the means to reduce substantially that flow, but we need your help—”

  “What exactly do you propose?”

  Pledgeman was on. He came forward with copies of a proposal in blue plastic folders, presented one to Dr. Pereira and passed out copies to the others. “This is an outline of the concept, Dr. Pereira, but allow me to summarize it for you: Provide our Border Security Force with a contingent of one hundred enforcement officers. These officers will be stationed on American bases along the border. Two to four officers accompany each interdiction flight. Give our aircraft overflight and landing privileges throughout Mexico. If the suspect aircraft is in Mexico, your officers have jurisdiction over the suspects and the evidence. If the suspects are in the United States we retain jurisdiction. The Border Security Force pilots retain command and control of their aircraft. We also ask for unlimited overflight and landing privileges for our unmanned surveillance and interception aircraft.”

  “What about weapons?” Pereira asked. “Will you begin shooting down Mexican citizens?”

  “As with our collaborative operations in the Caribbean, officers wall not use their weapons on foreign soil, except, of course, to protect themselves. This includes the use of air-to-air or air-to-surface weapons on some of our aircraft. They may assist in arrests and detention of prisoners but only on direction of the Mexican officer in charge. To insure safety, armed unmanned aircraft will not be allowred to overfly Mexico.”

  Pereira looked at Air Force General Wilbur Curtis, then asked, “And what about your Air Force or Army?”

  Curtis said: “This plan deals only with Border Security Force and Customs Service operations. Unless specifically authorized, we may not fly military aircraft into Mexico under this agreement. We must adhere to all national and international laws.”

  She gave Curtis a skeptical look. “But the Border Security Force is part of the military, is it not?”

  “The Border Security Force is in effect a separate agency,” the Vice President said, “and it w7ill soon be official by act of Congress. In any case our proposal limits the specific aircraft allowed to cross the borders at will, and except for the unmanned aircraft, all of these aircraft must have Mexican enforcement agents on board.”

  “What advantages does this proposal offer for Mexico? It gives your Border Security Force great powers in the use of Mexico’s sovereign airspace, but what do we get in return?”

  “We strengthen and modernize your border patrol units and frontier military units,” the Vice President told her. “Surveillance aircraft, access to surveillance radar and aerostat data, modern tactical and transport aircraft and helicopters, access to fuel and spare parts—it’s a package worth well over a hundred million a year. In addition we have companies that are eager to help modernize many of your outlying and coastal airports and port facilities. Mainly, we will be building a greater bond between our two countries. Cooperation in border-security operations will certainly lead to cooperative ventures in many, many other areas—immigration, agriculture, jobs, industrial expansion . .

  She got to her feet, picked up the blue plastic folder and tucked it under an arm. “I believe we both have much to think about, Mr. President, so I will ask to be excused. I look forward to our next meeting.” There was her radiant, disarming smile.

  The Vice President was quickly on his feet. “Dr. Pereira, this issue can’t wait. We have information that a major smuggling operation is underway right now. The Border Security Force needs permission now to conduct flight operations along the Mexican border and to pursue suspect aircraft across the border. We know your President can authorize these flight operations on his signature for as long as thirty days.” Martindale motioned to the phone on the coffee table in the center of the room. “We have an open line and we have requested a conversation with your President. He has promised to stand by for our call. With your recommendation I believ e he will give the approval we need.”

  "This is not the way such negotiations are usually conducted. Mr. Vice President.” She looked quickly at the President, then back at Martindale. “Allow me to take your proposal back to my government. This can be in the President’s hands by tomorrow via special courier. A synopsis with my recommendations will follow shortly after.”

  “That may be too late, Dr. Pereira,” Martindale said. “We need aircraft in position, the shipments may have already begun ...”

  “I can’t help that, Mr. Vice President. Your proposal must go through channels. You ought to understand that.”

  “Madame Ambassador, this is an important matter,” the President cut in. “I understand the need for protocol, but I’m sure you can understand the need for action. We’ve made telephone requests of your government in the past—”

  “Mr. President, a request from a Coast Guard vessel to board a tramp steamer flying the flag of Mexico is one thing,” Pereira said. “Overflight of Mexico by armed American aircraft is another. This is not a decision to be made hastily. The President must be properly briefed, the ministers of interior, justice and the military should all be consulted, the opposition party leaders must also be notified—”

  “Our surveillance aircraft are already in the air on both coasts of Mexico,” the Vice President said. “We must have clearance to overfly—”

  “You have already placed your aircraft off our coasts? Strike aircraft? Just what have you done, Mr. Vice President?”

  “The Border Security Force’s radar surveillance planes, the E2C and P-3B,” Martindale said. “Not strike aircraft. They are off your

  Gulf and Pacific coasts, outside your national airspace and far from commercial flight paths—”

  “My government wasn’t told of this. It’s certainly damned irregular—”

  “The aircraft are in international airspace, Doctor,” the President said. “No official notification is necessary—”

  “With respect, Mr. President, this’s not the point. Any such operation involving Mexico should naturally involve informing Mexico and getting our input. Launching spy planes to eavesdrop on my country, preparing to launch attack aircraft against planes operating in Mexican airspace, even directing one watt of energy across our borders without our knowledge . . . they are not the acts of a friendly neighbor. Sending spy planes against Cuba or the Soviet Union requires no notification—do you put the Republic of Mexico in the same category with them?”

  “We’re consulting with you now, Dr. Pereira,” the President said irritably, “and we’re asking for your help. We’ll do, however, what we feel is in our national interest. What our aircraft do in international airspace is our affair. And as for our radar energy crossing your borders, well, no nation has been very successful in regulating that. We’d prefer to conduct this operation with your government’s cooperation, but we’re capable of proceeding without it.”

  The President paused, waiting for Pereira to answer. When all he got was silence he added: “Our operation must begin im
mediately. I’m sorry, but we can’t wait for you to deliver our proposal. We’ll contact your President directly, without your assistance.”

  “You cannot steamroll us like this, sir,” Pereira said, her dark eyes flashing. “The President will consult with me on this matter and I will urge that he carefully study the written proposal you have given me.”

  The President got to his feet, his fingertips resting on his desk as if anchoring himself there. “Then it seems we have nothing else to talk about.”

  “Except,” the Vice President put in, “without Mexico’s cooperation we will be forced to explain to the world the reason for our increased surveillance of the region. This includes the fact that a major international drug trafficker has not only illegally entered Mexico but has set up a business in the heart of Mexico, financed by illicit drug money and all under the auspices of the Mexican government—”

  “That’s a lie. ”

  Martindale ignored her lapse from diplomatic jargon, almost welcomed it . . . “And he has obviously paid off government officials all across the country, leaving and entering the country at will with drugs, foreign currency and foreign criminals. I can tell you the

  Republic of Mexico even sends him warplanes to repair. He not only uses his contacts in the government to purchase spare parts, weapons and fuel for his drug shipments, he uses those warplanes as escort aircraft for his drug shipments—all courtesy of the Mexican government—”

  “You would actually tell lies to get our cooperation, Mr. President?”

  “He’s telling the truth, Madame Ambassador.”

  “One of Gonzalez Gachez’s henchmen, an American citizen wanted in this country for drug trafficking and conspiracy, was recently seized in Ciudad del Carmen,” the Vice President said. Pereira was about to protest that action as well but Martindale didn’t give her the chance. “He gave information for what he hoped would be immunity and protection. He told us about Colonel Agusto Salazar’s operation in Mexico, where it has surfaced from Haiti. An American grand jury handed down an indictment against Salazar, based on his testimony and evidence collected in connection with the recent raids on Border Security Force installations. When Secretary Chapman contacted your foreign ministry for assistance in capturing Salazar in Ciudad del Carmen we were told that Salazar was protected by the government because he was a government defense contractor. ”

 

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