Had the Queen Lived:

by Raven A. Nuckols

  This new, broader uprising would, as with its more chaotic progenitor, seek as broad a basis for support from all three classes, but do so more successfully. Of all the noble families in the north, none were sought for recruitment to the rebel cause so heavily as the Percys. Henry Percy, the eldest of the family, had fallen onto difficult times, and to seek favor at court. He had signed his entire estate to the King upon his death. He was childless, his wife had left him, and he had fallen into bad health. His brother Thomas, however, was the complete opposite and not only embraced the rebel cause, but took to the leadership of one of the rebel factions. The Percy family held vast tracks of land in the north, which were looked upon to protect the crown and to warn against Scottish invasion, should it occur. It is interesting to note that, although various local towns gathered together under the cause, the leadership of these commoners was often done by men with no formal military experience, and was frequently subject to change. A different noble, Lord Dacre, was coerced to the commoners’ side using threats of violence, but only after hiding from the rebels and leaving his young wife and child to suffer the consequences on his behalf. A Parliament Member from Cumberland named John Legh of Isel had also joined the rebels.

  During this uprising, the figure who would become most valuable in negotiations on behalf of the rebels was Robert Aske. Aske, a law student, was with his nephews on his way to Gray’s Inn for instruction, when he was met by rebels who demanded that he either let the nephews come with them as attendants, or that he come himself. He persuaded the rebels to accept the latter alternative, and his nephews fled home on foot, telling the town what had happened along the way. The rebels took him to listen to their complaints and coerced him into representing them against the King. For Aske, even to have heard their ideas was considered treason under the Act of Supremacy and meant instant death. Mindful of the circumstances in which he found himself after hearing their cause, Aske realized that they shared similar ideals for the management of their kingdom.

  Reluctantly, Aske joined, and became leader and spokesman for, the rebellion of what would be nine total parishes in a northern alliance against the crown. Aske’s joining the Lincolnshire cause was of enormous significance as he could use his considerable talents to aid in drafting a formal petition to the crown, which offered an air of legitimacy to what might otherwise have been portrayed by Henry as a mere uprising of illiterate northern peasants. More than that, Aske had gained the trust of the commons despite being a member of the gentry and was well educated; he was down to earth, with a friendly disposition that led them to believe he could—and should—be the official face of their movement.

  The petition he drafted to the crown railed against the corrupt abuses of the council, such as the destruction of the monasteries and high taxes, concerns that went well beyond the northern counties, and were shared by the poor throughout the country. Aske determined that the local groups should not send a call for battle until after the response to petition had been received. He managed to provide a sense of calm leadership for an increasingly angry group of rebels from different towns, backgrounds, and ranks in society. Now that the movement had its key leaders in place, the march was getting underway.

  5.2 The Lady Mary

  With the rebel forces now numbering near 35,000 from villages and towns all across the north, the uprising had become a very serious threat to the crown. Decrees from the King to cease their rebellion or face lethal consequences went unheeded. The council briefed the King on rebel movements, troop supplies, and how long they estimated they could hold out with what resources they had. They also advised him to show no mercy and take full advantage of the rebels’ weaknesses; should Henry decide to be lenient it could have disastrous consequences. The council painted for him the very worst possible picture: the rebels marching upon London, burning down famous buildings as they went, holding nobles hostage, and, in time, overtaking the King himself. With such detailed and brutal imagery in his mind, the King grew angered and felt he had no choice but to act tough. This, along with Anne’s persuasions in private, only ensured harsh action, albeit it would come after a feint at dialogue.

  After reviewing the best course of action, against the advice of counsel, the King sent through Brandon an offer of general pardon, in exchange for their dispersal. When the rebels reached Doncaster in mid December 1536, they found Brandon waiting there with a small army of men, along with the King’s decree and a regiment just shy of 5,000 royal soldiers. It was here that a major turning point occurred. Brandon had been charged with negotiating means of diplomatic resolution with the leaders of the rebellion, provided they met the conditions demanded by the King.

  The initial visit was cordial, with Aske taking a white flag to the center of the field to meet Brandon to discuss the terms of a peaceful negotiation, along with listing their demands. It was decided they should visit the nearest fortification to review such details, and the two sides rode together, with their leaders at the helm, towards the nearest fort, nearly twenty miles away, and a solid day’s ride at a good pace. When they finally managed to arrive, all the men of both sides were starving. After an initial meal, the leaders met across from one another to review the terms of Henry’s decree and the rebel demands.

  The Duke of Suffolk presented the King’s terms first. He read aloud a letter that Henry himself dated December 9th, 1536, in response to an earlier rebel letter. The terms included that the rebels cease their rebellion, that those rebels gathered disburse back to their homes, and that the leaders voluntarily turn themselves over, along with four unnamed persons who the Privy Council may have thought were co-conspirators, but who were yet unknown.

  The King’s letter bore a hostile tone with mixed messages. It told the rebels they had no business interfering in matters of state, such as whom the King chose to appoint to positions within the government. As divine head of the realm, only he was qualified to make such decisions and he would not be pressured by the influence of common subjects, whose obedience they owed to him and God. However, to extend an olive branch and make a vain attempt at reconciliation, he agreed to hold a session of Parliament in York to address their grievances, with the understanding that this session would include a general pardon. Then, in the same letter, Henry went on to threaten them all with death should they not comply with all of his requests to cease this uprising.

  After reading the King’s demands, Brandon was careful to sound as a friend, advising the leaders to heed to the King’s will, and that His Majesty would have their compliance in the end, whether by voluntary means or by bloodshed, and instructing them that the King was making no idle threats. The leaders listened carefully and peacefully to the terms that Brandon had presented, along with his heed of caution.

  Then it was the rebels turn to present their demands and they would show the King’s agents the same respect. Aske was the primary speaker for the group, with occasional outbursts of typical cynicism from another rebel leader (with the ironic name of) Robert Constable; however, for the most part the negotiations went off smoothly. As the rebellion took on new members, it evolved in its leadership with Aske, Robert Constable, and Lord Darce at its helm. Aske told his Graces that the leaders, including himself, Lord Dacre and Constable were all seeking peaceful means of resolution, but they also advised Brandon that the rebels demanded action. They were angry and it would be difficult for them to stand down without some assurance that their terms would be met. Brandon then agreed to hear their list of grievances assuring the King would come to judge on the matter.

  Aske then read out the official list of ten grievances the rebels laid out, and that they insisted be addressed for a truce to be agreed upon. These demands were as follows: declare and restore the Princess Mary as the rightful heir, restore the monasteries and suppress no more houses, repeal recent Acts of monastery suppression, remove Queen Anne, provide a general pardon for all involved in the uprising including its leaders, remove L
ord Privy Seal Cromwell from all of his posts, recognize allegiance to the Pope, remove heretics, and punish two persons they considered to have taken advantage of the commons in the north. The basic goal was to undo all of the changes enacted by the Reformation and restore England back to its original Catholic faith. Should their demands be enacted it would reverse all of the reforms Henry fought so hard to enforce, and would invalidate his divine right to rule, hitting the very core of such an egocentric ruler.

  Brandon and the other nobles were taken back by the clarity and the number of demands the rebels held. At best they had figured on the reinstatement of the Lady Mary to the succession and the removal of such high taxes, but their list clearly extended far beyond that. In concession, Brandon assured them that, should the rebels agree to Henry’s demands and turn back their course, in exchange the King vowed to set up a formal court at York to hear their grievances and he would decide on the matter himself. Further, as a sign of favor, he would bring the Queen and his heirs, along with food, wine, and clothing for the poor, and pardon all the rebels—minus the leaders and the four unnamed persons—in an official ceremony at York. Brandon graciously allowed the rebel leaders to take a few moments to discuss these terms of conciliation in private, before rejoining them at table half hour later to come to a final resolution.

  As the leaders excused themselves to another part of the fort to review the King’s terms, they began a massive argument, which Aske attempted to mediate peacefully. He was able to flare down Constable’s temper and convince the rest of the leaders to take the King at his word and accept the terms of the condition. This meant that none of the rebel grievances would be addressed that day, but if the King’s word was to be believed, each would be decided by the King himself at York in only a few weeks time. Choosing to take His Majesty at his word, Aske managed to persuade Constable, Lord Darce and the rebels to trust the King. It was not, however, without some heartburn.

  Aske further argued to Lord Dacre and Constable that if they had waited this long to get their issues heard, another few weeks of waiting could little harm their cause. Aske spoke so eloquently that he managed to succeed in persuading the others to accept the terms of Brandon’s deal. Constable was the initial hold out, who took a lot of convincing, and eventually chose to agree to the terms admitting that it was against his better judgment and on Aske’s word alone. He made it plain to the other leaders that he had no trust that the King would keep his word and believed the promises to be false. Regardless, he eventually conceded, and Aske was able to answer Brandon directly with a universal front of agreement. The other leaders had serious doubts about Henry’s intentions, and for good reason. The very letter promising clemency also assured certain death, and they had all just agreed to sign their own death warrants.

  When Aske, Lord Dacre and Constable rejoined Brandon and the Earl to redress the King’s decree, they agreed universally to its terms but noted its key demand of a swift trial at York to specifically address the rebel grievances. They would also need to be allowed sufficient time to alert the rebels to stand down, and that they were in talks with the King’s agents to have their demands met, to which Brandon agreed. Upon the rebel leaders having signing their names to the King’s decree of a—nearly—universal pardon and accepting the terms, Brandon outlined the key exception, which he had intentionally minimized until that point. The leaders of this movement, including the four unnamed persons, would be taken into custody immediately to serve their sentence for treason, while the others would be granted full pardon on behalf of the King.

  They agreed, with Brandon giving Aske leave to alert his stable groom to spread the word that all of the leaders were off in good faith to speak to the King directly to continue negotiations, and ordering that the rebels stand down before their leaders would head off to London. Overall the meeting had been a success. Brandon then told them that, as another sign of good faith, the leaders would be attending the Christmastide festivities as His Majesty’s guests of honor, a rare privilege. Each leader thanked Brandon for his professionalism, chivalry, and courtesy in executing negotiations with them and treating them as men. He may not have enjoyed it as much as facing battle directly as a General, but Brandon had a real knack for diplomacy, and his disposition suited it quite well.

  The leaders left with Brandon and the Earl, feeling fulfilled that their meeting had been a success. Aske embraced the terms, but the other leaders left feeling that the King was making false promises he would later reverse, once he had them in their grips, and that ultimately they would never escape the Tower’s walls. Their instincts turned out to be right. Aske’s only request in accompanying Brandon to meet the King in person was that his dispatches, allegedly to his family, be sent along their way, so that his wife would know of his health and the King’s good will in their cause. Brandon agreed without hesitation. It took them nearly a week, through murky water, heavy bouts of desperately needed rainfall, livestock herds, and other obstacles, to reach the court.

  While this visit had been successful, in the back of his mind Brandon knew he would soon have to return to the north to execute his duty and dispatch the traitors to death. He would do his best to enjoy the Christmastide festivities that awaited him and attempt to resolve their grievances with his wife, but a small part of him always remained plagued at the future duty the King would shortly come and order him to commit. In private, Brandon had conflicting feelings on his King’s orders.

  On the one hand, he understood well that these rebels, now seeing their numbers and organization in the flesh as it were, indeed did seek to do the realm harm; however, he also was of strong Catholic faith and found it difficult to do his duty, knowing that in doing so many young subjects, even children, would be dispatched to death as traitors to the King by joining in this rebellion. These young boys could have been his own sons and he would have to look in the faces of these children knowing that any of them could also have been his own unborn child, as his wife Catherine was nearly four months pregnant before he had left to confront this “Pilgrimage of Grace.” Rebellion.

  Upon his return, Catherine also never let Brandon touch her again, although they nevertheless named the child to come after the father, hoping that the son would never have to know nor share Brandon’s fate at being so near the crown. After telling his wife of his true mission, Catherine was deeply distraught and would never look at him the same way again. Brandon’s journals reveal how conflicted he was as he escorted prisoners Aske, Robert Constable, and Lord Dacre back down to London to meet the King, who would sentence them for their Acts.

  Out of good faith, Aske in return privately asked Brandon if he would carry his dispatches to his family to ensure his safety. Brandon’s kindness obliged him, and with his other concerns so weighing on him, had led him to make a very basic blunder. Rather than merely sending Aske’s dispatches “to his family” along their way, he should have known well enough to open them and review their contents himself. However, as a gentleman, he had not. Had he done so, proof of treason would have been found on the spot and Aske and others might have been hung the very day of their negotiations; however, his sympathies with some of the rebels’ goals, and his trust in the eloquent Aske, and Brandon’s own desire to return to London to make things right with his own wife, led him to take Aske at his word. One of Aske’s letters was simple enough, an additional petition to the King. The other letter was far more dangerous. It was a single note, in Aske’s own handwriting, dated December 4th, 1536. This letter was delivered to the Lady Mary by Brandon’s own private messenger, telling her of their great plight, and telling her of the rebel leaders’ goal to restore her grace’s true honor as Princess, and praying for her in the way of the old faith.

  He reassured her that all would be done well and quickly for her sake, and that she was surely the innocent Lamb of God that the usurper Queen wished to slaughter. He saw himself as the savior of the lamb; a very poignant biblical metaphor
with which the Catholic Mary would have been very familiar. The Lady Mary received the letter at Hertfordshire, where she spent the majority of her days in seclusion after the death of her mother in January 1536.

  Upon receipt of the letter, Mary retired to her private chambers to read it without the presence of servants, and immediately upon discovering its contents should have turned it over to the King’s agents. Instead, she held onto the letter, re-reading it several times with joy, shock, and surprise, and even went to her desk to draft several handwritten letters in return to Aske about how to respond. In his letter he professed, that he would love to make her acquaintance, for he had so longed to do so. Perhaps she kept it because it reminded her of her previous life, one where she was the rightful heir and Princess, and to hear that other followers had now taken up her cause gave her validation that her cause was just, and this letter, this treasonous letter, was just too difficult for her to part with, regardless of the consequences.

  As an additional symbol of Queen Anne’s generosity, Archbishop Cranmer had persuaded a reluctant Anne to allow the Lady Mary to attend court, if only to keep a watchful eye on her. Especially during such dangerous times, the Lady Mary’s presence in good faith with the King and Queen might bode well with the sentiment at court. Even a façade of family bonding could be interpreted, at best, as a sign that Mary had made peace with her accommodations and reduced status. It might also enhance Anne’s image at court, with those who still held a grudge against her. Further, it would prove in front of all the court, that the Lady Mary would have to accept her as Queen, a personal goal of Anne’s. Because Mary graciously accepted the King’s demands to swear to the oath in June of that year, and fully acknowledged her bastard status, Henry warmly embraced her and would look forward to seeing her. This was a ploy by Mary to gain favor and perhaps enhance her lowly status, or at the very least, her station as a servant by finally bowing to her father, but not at any time was she doing it for the pleasure or sake of her step-mother.