by Stuart Reid
This surprisingly stiff technique worked well enough at Culloden. Perhaps as a result, it survived through the 1748 and 1756/7 Regulations. However, Windham’s privately published Norfolk Discipline of 1759 argued vigorously against it: ‘The attitude of charging the bayonet as directed in the military exercise, though it has an appearance of strength and firmness, is a very weak position, from whence no other motion can well be made; being in itself as much contrary to all the rules of defence, or fencing, as for any one, after making a thrust, to remain upon the longe; the least effort made sideways on the firelock, or the body, throws the man down, or disarms him; nor can he advance, or make a push from it.’
Instead, he advocated an entirely different posture, standing more or less square on to the front and levelling the bayonet waist high: ‘By our method of charging the bayonet, a man is firm against any shock, and in guard; shall see occasion, or opportunity, to defend himself, or annoy his enemy, or to advance upon him, if he should give way… We have given no word of command for pushing the bayonet, the motion being so natural, that one in action can scarce avoid doing it properly; besides no particular direction can be given about it, as every man must watch his time, and the opening which his enemy gives him, to make his push.’
Windham’s method - which he rather grudgingly admitted to be similar to, if not the same as, that practised in the Prussian army - in effect wrought a minor revolution in infantry tactics and was adopted as part of the 1764 Regulations. The old-style bayonet drill, as described by Bland, was essentially a defensive one, and effective only when practised en masse. On the other hand, the new Norfolk/Prussian drill now made it possible, for the first time, to move beyond the relatively static firefight and instead conduct rapid advances - or charges - at bayonet point. This was to prove particularly important during the American War of Independence, when bayonet charges often proved more effective than prolonged firefights, particularly against an enemy who had the unsporting habit of firing from behind cover.
Simcoe’s remarks upon the subject are particularly interesting: ‘A light corps, augmented as the Queen’s Rangers was, and employed in the duties of an outpost, had no pportunity of being instructed in the general discipline of the army, nor indeed was it necessary: the most important duties, those of vigilance, activity and patience of fatigue, were best learnt in the field; a few motions of the manual exercise were thought sufficient; they were carefully instructed in those of firing, but above all, attention was paid to inculcate the use of the bayonet, and a total reliance on that weapon.’
The officers were ‘to pay great attention to the instruction of their men in charging with their bayonets, in which case, the charge was never to be less than three hundred yards, gradually increasing in celerity from its first outset, taking great care that the grand division has its ranks perfectly close, and the pace adapted to the shortest men. The soldier is, particularly, to be taught, to keep his head well up, and erect: it is graceful, on all occasions, but absolutely necessary if an enemy dare stand the charge; when the British soldier, who fixes with his eye the attention of his opponent, and, at the same instant, pushes with his bayonet without looking down on its point, is certain of conquest’.
Simcoe’s insistence on using the bayonet only emphasises once again the very real distinction in the 18th century between a light infantry/partisan corps and the trained bodies of skirmishers which would prove to be of such importance during the Napoleonic Wars.
The pinacle of his profession: Ensign c. 1745. Holding the lowest commissioned rank, this mature looking officer is clearly a promoted NCO rather than a newly joined young subaltern. [Author’s collection]
PLATE COMMENTARY
A: PRIVATE, 8TH (KING’S) REGIMENT, 1748
General Edward Wolfe’s 8th Foot played a crucial role in the battle of Culloden just two years before the Swiss artist David Morier painted the grenadier upon which this reconstruction is based. Initially they were posted on the left of the second line, but at the crisis of the battle the 8th spearheaded General Huske’s counter-attack which sealed off the Jacobite penetration of the front line. Having briskly marched on to the flank of the Jacobite assault column, they then proceeded to fire off six rounds a man at point-blank range before the rebels broke. Allowing for a hit rate of some 10 per cent at this distance, the 324 rank and file must have inflicted something in the region of 200 casualties on the rebels in the space of just two minutes, losing in return only Ensign Bruce wounded.
After the battle they remained for only a short time in Scotland before being ordered to Flanders in August 1746. In November 1748, with the war over, they were then ordered to be placed on the Irish establishment, only for the order to be revoked ten days later in favour of a posting to Gibraltar.
The Manual Exercise 1764, demonstrated by a reconstructed officer of 1/Royals c.1794. This sequence had to be performed competently both by officers and soldiers before being ‘passed by the adjutant’ as properly trained. The whole battalion also had to demonstrate the same motions in its annual inspec-tion, before moving on to the ‘evolutions’, or maneouvres, and firings. LEFT Position of a soldier under arms – to stand straight and firm upon his legs; head turned to the right; heels close; toes a little turned out; the belly drawn in a little, but without constraint; the breast a little projected; shoulders square to the front, and kept back; the right hand hanging straight down the side, with the palm close to the thigh; the left elbow not to be turned out from the body. CENTRE 1: Poise your firelock. RIGHT 2: Cock your firelock.
[All author’s collection]
1 This battalion company soldier is dressed exactly in accordance with regulations, with a full skirted coat worn over a shirt and sleeveless waistcoat. He is distinguished from members of other regiments by the combination of facing colour – in this case blue – and regimental lace (2). At this time buttons were quite plain and bore neither regimental numbers nor other designations.
The blue breeches are peculiar to Royal regiments: all other infantry units wore red breeches. The white duck gaiters were normally reserved for formal guard mountings and parades. In the field, more practical brown, grey or black gaiters being worn, and a Morier painting of Cumberland at Culloden clearly shows the 13th Foot in black gaiters. As late as 1742, all belts were worn over the coat, necessitating its being closed, but as a result of the experiences of campaigning in Germany and Flanders, an important change had taken place by 1748. It had been found more comfortable – and, just as importantly, much more stylish – to wear the coat open as shown here, with the waistbelt supporting both hanger and bayonet worn under the coat. Only in cold weather, when the lapels were buttoned over for the sake of warmth, was the waistbelt worn over the coat.
3: Present. 4: Fire. Note how the soldier’s weight is transferred to his left foot, and how the firelock is supported at the swell of the stock. This provides for excellent balance and allows the soldier to take proper aim.
By 1748 most, although by no means all, grenadiers wore wings on their shoulders (3). Like the brass match cases – originally used to carry a lit slow match at night – these wings had no purpose save to mark their wearer’s elite status.
4 Grenadier’s cartridge box sling with match case.
The most obvious distinguishing feature of a grenadier’s uniform was the ubiquitous mitre cap (5). The impression given both from Morier’s paintings and from metal fronted German examples of the mitre cap is that they were quite tall and imposing, but surviving examples are almost disappointingly small and shapeless. This may simply be a reflection of the age of those caps which have survived, but soldiers, and more especially elite units such as grenadiers, did have a tendency to develop individual ways of wearing their uniforms and equipment which are often quite at odds with the dictates of the regulations and what might have been intended by those who devised them in the first place. The present battered state of the surviving caps may well reflect their having been jammed on tightly in all sorts of con
ditions, with little or no regard to the requirements of parade ground niceties or Swiss artists. The evidence certainly suggests that the cloth mitre cap was a much more robust, practical and popular item of uniform than the bearskin example with which it was replaced in 1768.
Two other rather more practical grenadier distinctions are recorded by Morier – a belly box (6) carrying the additional ammunition which a grenadier often required when detached from his parent unit (grenades were no longer carried in the cartouche or cartridge box on his right hip), and a rather more robust sword – often basket hilted – than the one carried by his comrades in the battalion companies.
7 Private’s coat, 8th Foot 1742. It was cut from a very heavy weight of wool which did not require hems, and in cold weather the very full skirts could be unhooked and the lapels buttoned over for warmth. The coat was fully lined and when shabby could be taken apart and the material turned to create a fresh, clean appearance. Given fair wear and tear, this could prolong its useful life beyond the single year normally allowed, permitting any new clothing to be kept for Sunday best. The white worsted tape with which the coat was decorated performed a dual function. Coloured threads were normally woven into it in order to make a unique combination of lace and the rather limited range of facing colours, which would identify the wearer’s regiment. At the same time, the lace served to strengthen the unhemmed edges and buttonholes.
B: RECRUITING FOR THE 80TH FOOT, 1780
This scene, based upon a rather convincing looking sketch by Bunbury, must have been a familiar one throughout the British Isles in the 18th century. Three would-be heroes are paraded near Holyrood House in Edinburgh for inspection by the officer in charge of the recruiting party. One, with a leather apron, appears to be a disillusioned tradesman; another looks as though he is simply enlisting in search of a square meal. Like most civilians, neither of them is yet capable of carrying himself well, but the third potential recruit is unmistakably an old soldier. In 1760 Colonel Samuel Bagshawe’s instructions to the recruiting parties for his 93rd Foot solemnly warned: ‘None to be taken who have been in the Service Except he be under 35 years of age, the Discharges of such men to be sent with them to the Regt. otherwise they will be supposed to have been Drumed out, & of Course will be rejected.’
Should a recruit be rejected on these grounds, or indeed for any reason at all, when he arrived at headquarters, any monies which had already been expended on him by way of subsistence, transport, lodging and his bounty had to be borne entirely by the officer who had enlisted him in the first place. For that reason alone the recruiting service was generally unpopular. There was, therefore, every possible incentive in ordinary circumstances for officers to ensure that recruits were of a suitable standard. Unfortunately the desperate need to fill the ranks in wartime frequently saw a lowering of standards.
This was particularly true when ‘letters of service’ were granted for the raising of whole new regiments. The worst problems arose when a unit was raised for rank – that is, when the officers’ commissions depended upon their finding a certain number of recruits within a specified period. In due course, any unsuitable men might be weeded out by inspecting officers, but by that time the desired commission had often been granted and the recruiter exchanged into some other corps, or even the half-pay list.
5: Half-cock your firelock.
6: Handle your cartridge.
Sometimes, however, a city or county might be inspired or persuaded by an enterprising officer with local connections to assist in the raising of a regiment for him; in such a case the standard of recruit might be much higher. The local authorities could generally be relied upon to supplement the official bounty and to provide alcoholic entertainments and other facilities for recruiters, helping them attract a better class of volunteer. One example of this type of unit was the 80th Royal Edinburgh Volunteers, raised during the American War of Independence. Serving in the South under Lord Cornwallis (Dundas’ brigade) and surrendering at Yorktown, their title was an unofficial one, and throughout their short existence they displayed the yellow facings seen here rather than the coveted blue facings of a true Royal regiment.
C: RECRUITS DRILLING AT CHATHAM, 1791
As a rule, once a soldier had been enlisted, he was generally delivered to regimental headquarters as quickly as possible and most if not all of his initial training then took place at company level. However, this was obviously difficult to achieve if the regiment was serving overseas. In the early part of the century, drafts of recruits for such regiments were normally held in the prison-like Savoy barracks in London – or the equally unpleasant Tilbury Fort – until transport was available. Increasing imperial commitments and a sensible – if belated – recognition that a healthy soldier was much more likely to survive the Atlantic crossing led to a change in policy.
Recruits for regiments serving in the East or West Indies, Gibraltar and North America were sent instead to one of three central depots: Stirling, Kinsale and, most important of all, Chatham Barracks. There, if they passed their medical inspection and were approved, they were kitted out and received their basic training before being shipped overseas on the next available boat.
Watched by officers of the 42nd Highlanders and 21st Fusiliers, recruits for a number of regiments are being drilled at Chatham by sergeants of the footguards. At this very early stage in their training they are still learning the rudiments of marching and facings, and consequently have not yet been issued with any accoutrements. Indeed, it is more than likely that they will reach their own battalions without having fired a single shot in training.
Standing smartly in front of one squad is a ‘fugelman’, an experienced soldier whose function is to serve as a model, smartly demonstrating the required drill movements to the assembled recruits. This useful aid to instruction is still employed today. Then, as now, the sergeant prefaced the demonstration with the otherwise contradictory order to the squad: ‘Do not act upon my word of command’.
Although the footguard sergeants conducting the training quite properly wear their full regimentals, the recruits are dressed in the basic kit prescribed for them in 1791: ‘Every recruit enlisted for a Regiment on foreign station, when he arrives at Chatham Barracks, and is approved of, between the 10th of March and 10th of October, if not particularly ordered by the Colonel of the Regiment to have his full clothing issued to him, is to be provided with one pair of gaiter trowsers; one red jacket with sleeves [which is to button as a waistcoat, and to be large enough to admit a waistcoat to be worn under it]; having a regimental button for the sake of distinction, and also a collar, cuffs and shoulder straps, of the colour of the facing of the Regiment to which he belongs; and one round hat.
‘Every recruit remaining in the Barracks after the 10th of October, is to be furnished in addition, if destined for Gibraltar or North America, with white regimental waistcoat and breeches, which are to be considered as a part of his clothing for that year; his trowsers, on the breeches being delivered to him, to be taken into store; but to be returned to him at the time of his embarkation, to be worn over his breeches for the sake of preserving them; but if destined for the East or West Indies, he is to be furnished with one flannel waistcoat with sleeves, one pair of flannel drawers, and a second pair of gaiter trowsers.’
7: Prime.
D: 43RD HIGHLANDERS ON THE MARCH, 1743
This typical scene is largely based on a quite remarkable strip cartoon, drawn by a German artist, depicting the 43rd Highlanders (later the 42nd Black Watch) on the march near Mainz. Even allowing for the artist’s enthusiasm to record the diversity of this spectacle, the overwhelming impression is one of informality.
The Duke of Cumberland, among others, was to issue orders confining the regimental women to the baggage (hence the pejorative term), but the frequency with which such orders were issued suggests that on long marches it was far commoner for women to accompany their husbands intermingled in the ranks. Prohibitions of this practice may not easily have
been enforced when officers’ wives also accompanied the regiment. Although obviously not covered by any uniform regulations it comes as no surprise to find both officers’ ladies and soldiers’ wives wearing cast-off regimental jackets and plaids. While such clothing was naturally easier to obtain than most, particularly on campaign, there is some evidence that wives were just as proud of their regimental identity as their menfolk.
No contemporary illustration of marching troops seems to have been complete without one or more of these large baggage wagons, seemingly grossly overloaded both with baggage and an alarming number of passengers. In theory only the sick, or pregnant women, were allowed to travel on the wagons, but in practice this rule was once again more honoured in the breach.
E: HEAD-DRESS
1 Reconstruction of a surviving mitre cap worn by a grenadier of Ligonier’s 49th Foot (re-numbered 48th in 1749). This style of cap should have been worn by all grenadiers and fusiliers until superseded by the bearskin cap, in 1768. In practice a number of units anticipated the adoption of the bearskin by several years; to judge from paintings and inspection reports, others seem to have clung on to the mitre for as long as possible.
Originally the mitre was simply a stocking cap with a small turn-up at front and rear – the ‘little flap’, but by the 1740s the whole cap was stitched together and a degree of stiffening provided for the now combined front and ‘little flap’, in order that the cap stood upright. It appears, however, that this attempt to smarten it up was frustrated by the grenadiers’ continued insistence on jamming it on to their heads as though it was still the stocking cap that had been adopted by assault troops in the previous century as a more practical alternative to the wide-brimmed hat.