by Stuart Reid
2 The 1768 Warrant laid down that grenadier caps were now ‘to be of black bear-skin. On the front, the King’s crest, of silver plated metal, on a black ground, with the motto Nec aspera terrent. A grenade on the back part, with the number of the regiment on it. The Royal Regiments, and the Six Old Corps, are to have the crest and grenade, and also the other particulars as hereafter specified. The badge of the Royal Regiments is to be white, and set on or near the top of the back part of the cap. The height of the cap [without the bearskin which reaches beyond the top] to be twelve inches’.
8: Shut your pan -1st shut your pan briskly, drawing the right arm at this motion towards your body, holding the cartridge fast in your hand; turn the piece round to the loading position with the lock to the front, and the muzzle the height of the chin, bringing the right hand behind the muzzle; both feet kept fast in this motion.
Fusiliers were ordered to have similar caps, ‘but not so high; and not to have the grenade on the back part’. To judge by portraits, most regiments readily complied with the order to place any special badges on the rear, but this was far from universally observed. A contemporary caricature by John Kay shows a grenadier of the 1st Royals with what appears to be a St. Andrew badge on the cap plate; another illustration ‘drawn from the life’ by Agostino Brunyas shows a grenadier of the 6th in the West Indies with that regiment’s antelope badge, again displayed on the front; while yet another portrait of an officer of the 23rd Royal WELCH Fusiliers reveals a cap with no plate at all and the Prince of Wales’ feathers badge worn smack in the middle of the cap.
9: Charge with cartridge.
10: Draw your rammer.
3 Although they were originally ordered by the 1768 Warrant to wear a leather cap with a black bearskin front, pioneers generally wore the same grenadier cap, adorned with this striking red plate indicating their status. Drummers also had a special pattern of plate displaying drums and other martial trophies on the usual black lacquered background.
4 Light infantry cap, 6th Foot, after sketches by Loutherberg. Made of hardened leather and further strengthened by three black iron chains around the crown, this style appears to have been the officially approved pattern when light companies were introduced, in 1771. It may have had a turned-up peak and back flap, though this is not entirely clear from Loutherberg’s sketches.
5 The all too evident unsuitability of the ‘chain cap’, as it was called, soon led to a number of more of less unofficial modifications at regimental level. This particular cap, again copied from sketches by Loutherberg, was worn by the light company of the 69th Foot. A small peak has been added to what appears to be the standard ‘chain cap’ in order to shade the eyes, and a fairly substantial flap added to the rear, to be turned down to protect the neck in bad weather. While this style was a definite improvement on the original design it must still have been considered less than satisfactory, for a 1789 inspection report on the 69th noted that the light infantry caps were made of felt rather than leather.
6 The process of modification is carried a stage further in this cap worn by the 5th Foot’s light company. Once again there’s a peak at the front to shade the eyes and a slightly smaller flap at the rear, but now the crown is surmounted by a metal comb and horsehair mane in light dragoon style. The figure of St. George and the Dragon carried on the front is the regiment’s ‘ancient’ badge; another very similar cap belonging to the 9th Foot light company bears that regiment’s Britannia badge.
11: Ram down your cartridge.
12: Return your rammer – return the rammer, bringing up the piece with the left hand to the shoulder, seizing it with the right hand under the cock, keeping the left hand fast at the swell, turning the body square to the front.
7 This wholly unauthorised leather cap appears to have been worn by the light company of Lambton’s 68th Foot in the early 1770s. Superficially resembling the chain cap in some respects, it bears Lambton’s own crest on the front – a practice specifically forbidden by successive clothing warrants.
F: PRIVATE, 2/LIGHT INFANTRY, 1777
1 This soldier belongs to one of eight provisional battalions formed by General Howe in 1776, in preparation for the invasion of Long Island. All the flank companies – that is, grenadiers and light infantry – were detached from their parent units and formed into the 1st-4th Grenadiers and 1st-4th Light Infantry. In both cases, the small 4th battalions were drawn entirely from the Highland regiments. With some minor changes in their composition as the parent regiments were moved in and out of theatre, these ‘flank battalions’ stayed together for the rest of the war. Initially, at least, the 2nd Light Infantry comprised companies drawn from the following units: 40th, 43rd, 44th, 45th, 49th, 52nd, 55th, 63rd and 64th Regiment of Foot. Most of these units as it happens had green facings, but others had white, buff and yellow facings, so that the lack of the usual facing coloured cuffs and other distinctions on the soldiers’ jackets was presumably intended to create a degree of uniformity. How the various flank battalions then distinguished themselves one from another is not clear, although since the small 4th battalions of grenadiers and light infantry were both very substantially made up of the Highland flank companies, they at least were easily recognisable.
13: Shoulder your firelock – the ‘under arms’ position.
14: Rest your firelock.
15: Order your firelock. (NB The following motions are omitted – 16: Ground your firelock; 17: Take up your firelock; 18: Rest your firelock; 19: Shoulder your firelock.)
It is one of the more widespread myths surrounding the American War of Independence that the British Redcoat was greatly hampered in the struggle by having to wear a tight and uncomfortable uniform which was totally unsuited to active service anywhere, let alone in the North American wilderness. As this figure, based on paintings by Xavier Della Gatta, reveals, the reality was actually very different. The heavy wool coat has been replaced by a short, single-breasted round jacket devoid of any decoration, and the tight knee-breeches and gaiters by a light and comfortable pair of duck gaiter trousers. The impractical light infantry cap and almost equally impractical cocked hat have been replaced by a rather disreputable looking slouched hat.
Although this order of dress clearly did not entirely supersede the clothing prescribed in the 1768 Warrant, and its use may at first have been confined to the southern campaigns, it eventually had a profound influence on the development of the British army’s uniforms. The same uniform was ultimately to be worn in both the East and the West Indies and, albeit with certain comparatively minor modifications, by all British infantrymen after 1797.
20: Secure your firelock. 21: Shoulder your firelock.
22: Fix your bayonet. 23: Shoulder your firelock.
24: Present your arms. 25: To the right face. 26: To the right face. 27: To the right about face.
2 Another, more short-lived innovation, which made its first appearance on the Pennsylvania battlefields in 1777, was the Ferguson breechloader. Spinning the lever forming the trigger guard opened a screw plug and enabled the soldier to push a ball and the required quantity of powder directly into the breech. In bad weather four aimed rounds a minute were demonstrated to be possible; perhaps twice as many in optimum conditions. A ranger company was raised to try the new weapon out in the field, but the experiment was abruptly terminated after Ferguson (at that time a captain in the 70th Foot) was wounded at the Brandywine. The rifle’s subsequent demise is popularly attributed to the conservatism of British generals, but modern tests have revealed that the breech screw mechanism is susceptible to fouling, and under battlefield conditions it is likely to have become inoperable after a relatively short time.
3 Cartridge making: a piece of ‘cartridge paper’, a .75 calibre ball, weighing in at 12 to the pound (hence 12 bore) and 70 grains of black powder, all tied together with thread.
4 Combination tool.
5 Cartridge box with regimental badge – this was the universal pattern used by those regiments who had no �
��ancient badge’ such as the George and Dragon of the 5th Foot.
6 Tin canteen.
7 Powder horn attached to a moose-hair tumpline.
8 Duck haversack – in theory to be used for carrying rations, but occasionally used in place of a knapsack, and typical small items of personal kit; (a) whale bone pipe; (b) shaving kit; (c) comb; (d) purse; and (e) folded blade.
9 Cutaway of cartridge box emphasising the hidden compartment holding cleaning equipment and spare cartridge making materials.
10 Front, back and side-views of bayonet scabbard.
28: To the left face. 29: To the left face. 30: To the left about face. 31: Shoulder your firelock.
G: SKIRMISH AT ZIERENBERG, 1760
The heavy raid by Allied forces on the French post at Zierenberg in the early hours of the morning of 6 September 1760 was a textbook example of the kind of operation regularly undertaken by light troops in the 18th century. The Erbprinz of Brunswick selected ten squadrons of cavalry and six battalions of infantry for the purpose. Of those six, three were British: the 20th Foot; Maxwell’s Grenadiers – a provisional battalion made up of the grenadier companies of the 12th, 20th, 23rd, 25th, 37th and 51st Foot; and 150 men of the newly raised 87th Highlanders.
Approaching the town the cavalry were ordered to throw a cordon around it and guard all the likely approaches while the three German battalions took up a covering position at Lahr, some three miles to the north. Thus the actual assault fell to the three British battalions alone, commanded by Major General John Griffin. At 2am they approached the gates. They were fired upon by a French outpost, overran it with the bayonet and pressed straight on into the town itself. There they found the French, alerted by the shooting, tumbling into the streets in their nightshirts. A hundred years earlier an anonymous chronicler of the English Civil War wrote: ‘Tis the terriblest thing in the world to have an enemy fall into one’s quarters by night. Nothing resembles more the last Resurrection and Judgement.’ And so it proved: as the Redcoats rushed in with fixed bayonets the French suffered no fewer than 120 killed and wounded. Another 400, including the governor, were later taken prisoner.
By 4am General Griffin was on his way out again, pausing only to rescue Colonel Preston of the Scots Greys, whose rather spirited horse had jumped him into the moat. By 10am the whole force was safely back in its base at Warburg with an impressive haul of horses, prisoners and some loot. In contrast to the substantial French losses, British casualties in the affair were extremely light: four men killed and nine wounded, including General Griffin himself. ‘Blue on blue’ or ‘friendly fire’ incidents are nothing new, of course, and it seems that in the darkness and confusion Griffin had been bayoneted – though happily not very seriously – by one of his own men.
H: 37TH FOOT AT THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN, 1746
A surprising number of eyewitness accounts of this action, written by British officers and even ordinary soldiers, have survived, allowing the minor tactics employed there to be reconstructed in unusual detail. Rather usefully, two of the accounts were written by members of Monro’s 37th Foot. One, by a grenadier officer, relates how his platoon was almost overrun and makes the important comment that the men of his regiment were disinclined to take prisoners that day because it was firmly believed that a number of their officers had been murdered in cold blood by the rebels at the battle of Falkirk three months before.
A more valuable account was written by an unknown corporal: ‘On the 16th [April] in the Forenoone, when we came within 300 Yards of the Rebels, they began to play their Cannon very briskly upon us; but as soon as we saw them pointed, we stoop’d down and the Balls flew over our Heads. Two Pieces of our Cannon play’d from our Left to their Right, which kill’d many of them, and made their whole Body determine to come down upon our Left, compos’d of Barrel’s, Monro’s, and the Scots Fusiliers. When we saw them coming towards us in great Haste and Fury, we fired at about 50 Yards Distance, which made Hundreds fall; notwithstanding which, they were so numerous, that they still advanced, and were almost upon us before we had loaden again. We immediately gave them another full Fire and the Front Rank charged their Bayonets Breast high, and the Center and Rear Ranks kept up a continual Firing, which, in half an Hour’s Time, routed their whole Army. Only Barrel’s Regiment and ours was engaged, the Rebels designing to break or flank us; but our Fire was so hot, most of us having discharged nine Shot each, that they were disappointed.’
The reference to the front rank men standing fast with charged bayonets, protecting the two ranks behind while they carried on loading and firing, is extremely interesting and is supported by a letter from an officer in Wolfe’s 8th Foot. He relates that his regiment also ‘plied them with continual fire from our rear and fixt bayonets in front’. Similarly, David Morier’s celebrated painting Incident in the Rebellion shows only the front rank of Barrel’s 4th Foot charging their bayonets.
32: Charge your bayonet. 33: Shoulder your firelock.
Although a more widely reported innovation was the instruction for each man to thrust at the Highlander approaching to his right rather than the one coming directly at him – thus bypassing his targe or defensive shield, its effectiveness is at best questionable, if only because most Jacobite soldiers were in fact armed with firelocks and bayonets. Even the swordsmen were reported to have abandoned their targes during the abortive night march which preceded the battle. The diagram on page 9 shows that the alteration in aim was very easily accomplished, but the decision to rely on the front rank bayonets while the rest continued firing was probably more decisive.
Standing next to Barrell’s 4th Foot, who were overrun by the Highland assault, the 37th suffered comparatively heavy casualties at Culloden. Indeed, they had no fewer than 14 killed and 68 wounded, losses second only to the badly mauled 4th Foot. The survival rate of the wounded was depressingly low. Indeed, a Lieutenant Dally included in the official list of wounded was dead by the next morning and only 19 others afterwards claimed pensions on the strength of wounds received at Culloden. Their injuries, as recorded in the Chelsea Hospital registers, make instructive reading.
William Gill was shot through the right elbow; John Davidson was disabled in the left hand and shoulder; Thomas Grant was disabled in both thighs while Edward McMullen from Dublin was chillingly described as being disabled in several parts of his body. Luke Cunningham, a blacksmith from Limerick, was shot through the body and John Guest disabled in the right arm. Charles McLeland was shot in the right ankle, John Dollaway was disabled in the left thigh and William Ashmore disabled in the left hand and shoulder. John Tovey, 55 years of age and described as having been ‘born in the army’, had his jaw shot away. Arthur Buchan was disabled in the right thigh, while Thomas Lowns and Robert Farrington were both disabled in the left leg. John Perry and Richard Moulton were disabled in the right leg. Both John Hawson and Thomas Griffith were shot in the left knee, while William Irwin was simply said to have lost the use of his left leg. Most intriguingly of all, Isaac Gregg was described as having been ‘disabled by a fall at Culloden’.
Nearly all of these men were fairly old as soldiers go. At 21, William Ashmore was the youngest, and 55-year-old John Tovey was the oldest. Most were from late 20s to early 40s, suggesting that as mature men they belonged to the grenadier company. This is certainly known to have been hard hit, and the unknown grenadier officer reported losing no fewer than 18 killed and wounded in his platoon alone, which must just about have wiped it out.
An analysis of wounds by type and location is of little value in this case since these obviously represent only the survivable wounds. However, what is of interest is the fact that although for the most part injured in the arm or leg, none of them were amputees. This suggests a very low survival rate for those unfortunate enough to require surgery. Indeed, it appears from the Chelsea registers that only three men out of all the wounded from Culloden survived the amputation of a limb.
I: INFANTRY WEAPONS
1 Long land pat
tern firelock with the original wooden ramrod and 46in. barrel. This was the original pattern of firelock, generally referred to as the ‘Brown Bess’, and was issued to most infantry regiments until officially superseded by the 42in. barrelled short land pattern in 1768. In practice, it continued to be used for some considerable time afterwards, and manufacture of this pattern only ceased as late as 1797.
1a Modifications for iron ramrod. The long land pattern was originally set up with a brass-tipped wooden ramrod, but from the 1720s there was a gradual changeover to iron ramrods. This necessitated the development of a quite different set of ramrod pipes, including the distinctive trumpet shaped fore-pipe and the addition of a tail-pipe.
1b Lock detail.
2 Sword hilt of the so-called 1751 pattern. There was no real regulation of infantry swords since they were provided by the colonel. This style is seen in a number of Morier’s grenadier paintings, hence the erroneous ‘1751’ date. The infantry sword seems to have been much less highly regarded in the British army than in continental ones. German soldiers in particular regarded it as a status symbol, but the British soldier appears to have looked on it as an unmitigated nuisance – particularly since he had to pay for it out of stoppages from his subsistence – and it very soon disappeared.
3 Typical basket-hilted grenadier hanger. For some reason the grenadier company tended to sport swords with basket hilts and curved or slightly curved blades.
4 Infantry hanger and scabbard – the so-called ‘1742’ pattern. This particular style is worn by most of the figures in the 1742 Cloathing Book – hence the description. Survival rates for this style appear to be higher than those of the ‘1751’ pattern, suggesting that it was in much wider use.