Saladin

by A R Azzam

  discovered that there were fewer than 14 Icnights in the whole city, and he

  had to create 60 new Icnights, some barely 16 years old. Any food or money

  available was stored in anticipation of the inevitable siege which com-

  menced, with the arrival of Saladin's army outside the walls of Jerusalem, on

  20 September. It was Yusuf Batit, a member of the Eastern Orthodox clergy

  who mediated between Saladin and Balian. Saladin made it clear that he pre-

  ferred to take the city without bloodshed, but those inside remained defiant

  and refused to surrender, vowing to destroy the city and slay the 5,000

  Muslims prisoners held in the city rather than see it handed over peacefully.

  Thus the siege began. For a week Saladin's army, facing the Tower of David

  and the Damascus Gate, pelted the ramparts with arrows, catapults, and

  mangonels. Siege engines were rolled up to the walls, but were pushed back

  each time. Then, on 26 September, Saladin moved his camp to a different

  part of the city - to the Mount of Olives, where there was no major gate

  from which the crusaders could counter-attack. Three days later Muslim

  miners succeeded in collapsing part of a wall and a breach was made, which

  the outnumbered Christians were unable to defend. Inside the city itself

  there was great despair as the people were gripped by panic as they saw the

  Muslim banners planted on the city walls.

  At the end of September Balian rode out with an embassy to meet with

  Saladin. Balian was now prepared to accept the surrender, which he had

  initially refused, but Saladin was reluctant. Eventually it was agreed that

  the city would surrender and its population be regarded as prisoners of

  war. This meant that they could ransom themselves. The ransom was set at

  10 dinars for a man, 5 dinars for a woman and 1 dinar for a child. Forty days

  were then set for the Christian population to raise the ransom, after which

  any who did not pay were enslaved. But when the 40 days had passed, 1,000

  of those who could not afford to pay were released by Saladin's amirs. Most

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  notably al-Adil and Keukburi and Saladin himself released all old people

  who were unable to meet the ransom. It was an act of tremendous gen-

  erosity and it was for such actions during the fall of Jerusalem that Saladin

  won the admiration of the Christians and a deserved place in history.

  Human nature being what it is, there were a few who took advantage of the

  generous terms Saladin had imposed, and none more so than the patriarch

  Heraclius. Having paid 15 dinars for himself and his mistress, he then pro-

  ceeded to load wagons full of gold chalices, plates and carpets and drive

  them out of the city. It was scandalous behaviour especially since these

  treasures could have ransomed the 15,000 Christians who were eventually

  enslaved, but when Saladin's outraged amirs complained of his behaviour,

  Saladin waved them away. 'I prefer to make them obey the letter of

  the treaty', he replied, 'so that they are unable to accuse the believers of

  brealdng their word.' Later, he admitted in private how shocked he was

  by the actions of this 'unholy rnan'. From the moment he slipped away

  from Jeruslaem, laden with gold, we hear no more of Heraclius. 'He lived

  viciously', a Christian writer summed up his life, 'and died obscurely.'

  No greater contrast could there have been between the occupation of

  Jerusalem by the Muslim in October 1187 and that of the First Crusade

  in 1099, when the streets flowed with Muslim and Jewish blood. As the

  three columns of Christians left Jerusalem, one led by Balian himself and

  the other two organised by Templars and Hospitallers, Saladin posted his

  own soldiers throughout the city to ensure that there was no looting or

  pillage. In addition he ensured that the columns were protected by the

  Muslims from the rapacity of the Bedouin. Of the 220,000 dinars raised

  by the ransoms of Jerusalem, Saladin kept nothing. A number of native

  Christians requested Saladin's permission to remain in Jerusalem and he

  agreed on the condition that they paid the jizya tax, which was imposed

  on non-Muslims. In return for paying the tax, he allowed them to pray

  freely in their churches. Christian affairs were handed over to the Byzantine

  patriarch.

  The triumphant entry into Jerusalem

  With increasing excitement and anticipation, Muslims gathered in the

  streets to witness Saladin's ceremonial entry into Jerusalem. Ibn Shaddad

  noted that Muslims had flocked from everywhere - in his words every

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  SALAD I N

  famous person in Egypt and Syria was there - to witness Saladin's tri-

  umphant entry and tiie restoration of Jerusalem to the Islamic fold. Scholars

  and sufis, poets and jurists, civilians and military all lined the streets and all

  eyes were on Saladin. But Saladin, true to his nature, was patient and chose

  not to enter the city until the time was auspicious. And so it was not until

  27 Rajab 583 (2 October 1187), the anniversary of the Night Journey to

  the Heavens, that he entered Jerusalem. The powerful symbolism of such

  a date was of course deliberately chosen to make a dramatic impact. Imad

  al-Din al-lsfahani, who accompanied Saladin into Jerusalem, noted that

  the most urgent task was to restore the Dome of the Rock and the al-Aqsa

  mosque into a state fit for Islamic worship. However, as Hillenbrand points

  out, the actions now taken by Saladin were not mere ceremonies of re-

  appropriation of Muslim religious buildings; these centres of Islamic sanctity

  needed to be cleansed and purified of Franldsh pollution,^ and an inscrip-

  tion was carved on the Dome of the Rock itself which declared, 'Saladin has

  purified this sacred house from the polytheists'. At once the Muslims got

  to work in preparation for the approaching Friday prayers at the al-Aqsa

  mosque, the first ones to be held in 88 years. The task proved harder than

  was initially thought, as first they had to demolish many structures that

  the Franks had built. Imad al-Din stated that the Templars had built some

  residences to the west of the mosque, which they had equipped with grain

  storage and latrines, and part of the mosque had been incorporated into

  tht buildings. Saladin had these structures removed and authorised Taqi

  ul-Din to be in charge of the purification process. First, all Christian trap-

  pings which had been placed during the crusader occupation were removed

  from the buildings, and the mihrab (niche) of the mosque which had been

  concealed by the Knights Templar was uncovered. Then when all trapping

  were removed, rose-water was poured over the walls and the floors of the

  two buildings, which were then perfumed with incense. The floors were

  covered with precious carpets instead of woven and straw mats, and the

  minbar (pulpit), which had once been commissioned by Nur al-Din, was

  now instafled. Even Ibn al-Athir, who throughout his writings had shown

  an implacable hostility towards Saladin for usurping the place of his

  Zengid masters, understood the symbolism of what had taken place:

  'Saladin ordered the
purification of the Aqsa mosque and the Dome of the

  Rock of afl the filths and impurities'. Ibn al-Athir's choice of the word anjas

  (plural of najas) to denote the impurities was deliberate, and reflected the

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  traditional Islamic view of the Franks, who had encroached on Islamic

  sacred space.

  As to who would deliver the first khutba on the Friday after the entiy

  into Jerusalem, one imagines there would have been fierce competition for,

  among the religious clerics, no greater honour could be imagined. Naturally

  the khatib would be a Shafii, to reflect the madhab of Saladin, and the

  choice finally fell on Muhyi al-Din Ibn al-Zald, the qadi of Aleppo. Imad

  al-Din captured the moment:

  The sultan sat with his face gleaming with happiness. His seat looked as if

  it were surroundeii by the halo of the moon. Around him readers of the

  Quran were reading the words of guidance and commenting; the poets were

  standing, reciting and seeking favours; while the flags were being unfolded

  in order to be raised and the pens were being sharpened in order to convey

  the good tidings. Eyes were filled with tears of joy while hearts were humbled

  in devotion to God and in joy for the victory.

  In the sermon Ibn al-Zald stressed the theme of purification and spoke of

  the 'perfiame of sanctification and glorification'. The sermon intransigently

  and deliberately emphasised God's oneness and was scathing on the subject

  of the divinity of Jesus and the Trinity. To all those listening, Ibn al-Zaki

  urged the continuation of the jihad: 'Maintain the holy war; it is the best

  means which you have of serving God, the most noble occupation of your

  lives'. And he had not forgotten Saladin and was fulsome in his praise: 'May

  God grant you His best reward', he intoned, 'for the service you have ren-

  dered to His blessed Prophet Muhammad'. When Ibn al-Zaki had spoken,

  Saladin then turned to Zein Ibn Naja, the man whom he had once labelled

  as his Amr Ibn al-As, and who had become one of his closest advisers in

  Egypt, and he asked him to preach to the congregation. Ibn Naja, who had

  been the disciple of al-Jilani, spoke so eloquentiy and powerfliUy that the

  congregation was reduced to tears.

  Shortiy afterwards some Muslims approached Saladin and demanded

  that he destroy the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, arguing that its destruc-

  tion would stop Christians coming to Jerusalem. 'The Franks will stop

  wanting to make pilgrimage there', they argued, 'and then we will be at

  peace.' Saladin listened to their words, but he turned down their request,

  for not only was it against Islamic law but he also understood that the

  destruction of the church would not prevent Christians from coming to

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  SALAD I N

  Jerusalem. Saladin would also have known - or if he did not then he would

  have been quicldy informed by the scholars - that when the caliph Umar

  conquered Jerusalem in 637, he ordered that the church should not be

  demolished and that the Christians should have the right to worship.

  Nevertheless, in order to increase the Muslim presence in the city, Saladin

  installed a number of Arab tribes in and around Jerusalem.

  Clearly Saladin's capture of Jerusalem had made a mark on many

  Muslims and it was during this period that Saladin was approached by Ibn

  Shaddad, who had composed a treatise that he called The Virtues of Jihad.

  The two men had met before; in 1184 Ibn Shaddad had visited Damascus

  and Saladin was so impressed by him that he offered him a teaching posi-

  tion in a madrasa in Egypt, but Ibn Shaddad did not accept.® The second

  time was in February 1186, when Ibn Shaddad accompanied another

  Mosuli delegation to conclude peace terms with Saladin, who was ill at

  Harran. It was Ibn Shaddad who administered the oath to Saladin. Saladin

  must have remembered him, for he did not give him permission to return

  to Mosul and dispatched Isa al-Haldcari to inform him that Saladin wished

  he should enter into his employment. Ibn Shaddad was appointed as judge

  of the army and for the rest of Saladin's life he remained the closest person

  to him. In fact, apart from a period between October 1189 and spring

  1190, when he was sent to Baghdad on a diplomatic mission,*^ it can be

  claimed that Ibn Shaddad never left Saladin's side.

  • In Jerusalem Saladin and his family continued in the tradition of

  Ayyub and Shirkuh, and above all of Nur al-Din, in their adherence to the

  principles of the Sunni Revival. In the Church of St Anne, which was the

  traditional place for the birthplace of the Virgin, Saladin ordered the con-

  struction of a magnificent madrasa for the Shafiite madhab. He also com-

  missioned al-Klianaqah al-Salihiyya, which was a hospice for sufis. In return

  for being lodged and fed, the sufis were expected to devote their time to

  dhilcr, the invocation of God, and the recitation of the Quran. Saladin's son,

  al-Afdal, followed in his father's steps and constructed a Malild madrasa,

  which lodged the pilgrims from North Africa, the majority of whom

  followed the Malild madhab. As for Saladin's brother, al-Adil, he com-

  missioned the building of ablution and washing fountains within the holy

  precinct, and his son and Saladin's nephew, al-Malik al-Muzzaffar, had two

  madrasas built in Jerusalem. Nearly 20 years earlier Saladin had restored the

  rule of Sunni orthodoxy to Egypt. Now he was the first to introduce the

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  12: T H E R E T U R N OF J E R U S A L E M

  spirit of the Sunni Revival - as manifested in the construction of madrasas

  - to Jerusalem. His achievements in Egypt, which had proven to be of

  immense strategic importance, became the economic and military backbone

  to his successes in Syria. His achievement in Jerusalem, on the other hand,

  proved to be of profound symbolic value, for the recapture of Islam's third

  holiest site secured Saladin's place in history.

  195 •

  Chapter 13

  The Arrival of Richard

  All our men were wounded if not in their bodies in their hearts.

  Ibn Shaddnd

  Conrad fortifies Tyre

  All eyes now turned to Tyre. It was, Saladin was told by al-Mashtub,

  'the only arrow left in the quiver of the infidels'. Even as these words were

  spoken, the city was slipping out of Saladin's grasp, for in Tyre there had

  arrived Conrad of Montferrat. Conrad, the third son of the Marquess

  William of Montferrat, had arrived in the Holy Land almost by accident.

  His early career had been in the Byzantine court, but his independent

  spirit had found the court atmosphere in Constantinople too stifling and

  he decided to sail to Acre, unaware of the disaster that had taken place at

  Hattin. On approaching the city port, he was surprised to see a customs

  boat, which informed him that Acre was in Muslim hands. Sailing away

  quicldy, he headed for Tyre, where he landed and where this Italian

  knight was welcomed by its people as if he brought salvation with him.

  Unanimously, the barons and knights of the city chose Conrad as their

  leader until a
new crusade could be dispatched from Europe. Of one

  thing all could be certain: had Conrad not arrived Tyre would have fallen.

  News of Conrad's defiance at Tyre reached Saladin, who hurried to the city

  walls accompanied by an old man - a prisoner - whom he believed was

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  13: T H E ARRIVAL OF R I C H A R D

  the key with which to open the city. The man was William of Montferrat,

  Conrad's father, and he was now brought out in view of Conrad, who was

  watching from the batdements. Surrender the city now, he was warned, or

  William would be put to death. The ruse failed, as Conrad replied that his

  father had lived long enough, and Saladin, true to his nature, set the old

  man free.

  The truth was that too much precious time had been wasted at

  Jerusalem. Saladin's caution, often a source of strength, was increasingly to

  prove to be his Achilles heel. In the meantime Conrad had taken advantage

  by worldng furiously to strengthen the fortifications of the city. A deep ditch

  was dug across the causeway from the shore, which effectively rendered Tyre

  an island and allowed it to withstand a prolonged siege while it waited

  for succour from Genoa and Pisa. By the time the Muslim armies reached

  Tyre, on 12 November 1187, the defiant city with its 6-metre (20-feet)

  walls and inspired by the feisty Italian knight was ready to withstand

  a prolonged siege and a bombardment of Saladin's mangonels. In fact

  Saladin's army was short of men; winter was approaching and Keukburi

  insisted that he wanted to go on the pilgrimage, while Taqi ul-Din wished

  to return home. There was initial optimism and Imad al-Din, who was

  accompanying Saladin, had written to al-Qadi al-Fadil that Tyre would

  fall, though he ominously added that the Muslims had been used to easy

  victories and at Tyre they had had to abandon their soft life.

  At the same time Saladin was dismayed by the lukewarm reception from

  the Abbasid caliph, who feared the power that Saladin was able to harness.

  Imad al-Din had warned him to choose his envoy to Baghdad carefully but

  Saladin, in a huny to send news of the fall of Jerusalem, had chosen a young

  Iraqi who, in a moment of drunlcness, had boasted of Saladin's ambitions.