HER'S YOURN!
HEIR'S OURN!
Opinion in the Black Country, in the event of Your Majesty's marriage, could be summed up in the above couplet.
. . . what the Black Country thinks today, the rest of the Empire will think tomorrow. Keep calm! Don't abdicate!92
'I have been walking the streets of London with a placard, "Hands off the King. Abdication means Revolution"', wrote a woman to the King. She enclosed a newspaper cutting showing a photograph of herself carrying the placard. 'My impression', she said, 'is that I have all the working classes with me, but I was insulted by some of the upper classes. I did not know that there was so much humbug and hypocrisy amongst the English.' She begged him not to give in. 'However as the Common People are all obviously for you and don't care a damn who you marry,' she said, 'I feel if you stick out for a Morganatic marriage that you will get it. Forgive my writing but I have had a good opportunity of gauging public opinion.'93
9 'Cavaliers and Roundheads'
To some who supported Edward VIII, the crisis recalled an earlier king - Charles I, whose conflict with Parliament had led to the English Civil War and to his execution in 1649. 'We have all become King's men or Cabinet men', commented Beaverbrook. 'It is as if the whole country had slipped back into the seventeenth century again.'1 Now, in the twentieth century, the nicknames for the King's supporters and the Parliamentarians seemed appropriate once more. 'The world is now divided into Cavaliers and Roundheads,' wrote Chips Channon in his diary on 7 December.2 The evening before, on the Sunday, he had held a dinner party attended by the King's supporters, while the 'Oliver Stanleys had a rival festival of 11 people, all Roundheads and violently anti-King.'3 Some letters and telegrams sent to the King at this time were sprinkled with antique language, recalling the earlier crisis faced by the monarchy. 'Good luck where 'ere befalls', urged one telegram, while a woman living near Reading assured the King that 'The Lady Mrs Simpson is a pearl of great price among women. One day you will have your heart's desire. I raise my Glass to Both of you in my toast & Say, Gentlemen, The King.'4
The analogy between Edward and Charles was largely based on the perception of Edward as a tragic royal figure, beleaguered by his parliament. 'You stand for the principle of the people and you will remember', one letter reminded the King, 'that your martyred ancestor King Charles died for His principles.'5 There was also a degree of similarity between Charles's French wife, Henrietta Maria, and Wallis. For although the chief objection to Henrietta Maria - her Roman Catholicism - did not apply to Wallis, they both came from a foreign country and were perceived as extravagant, cosmopolitan and unEnglish, with an undue influence over the King.
Baldwin was the chief Roundhead, Winston Churchill was the chief Cavalier. 'The different interests are queuing up behind Baldwin, or Churchill', noted Virginia Woolf.6 The Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, declared in a letter to the Secretary of State for India, Lord Zetland, that 'Winston Churchill is prominent in attack upon Government'.' Lady Milner shared this view. She wrote in her diary that 'Churchill, Lloyd George, Beaverbrook & Harmsworth are running a pro- Simpson campaign.'8 Certainly Churchill remained Edward's staunch supporter throughout the crisis and did everything he could to keep him on the throne, I have never repented of this,' he said later, 'indeed, I could do no other.'9 Walter Citrine, the leader of the trade union movement, gave an account of a conversation with Churchill in which he proclaimed his absolute support for the monarch. 'Very quietly,' wrote Citrine, Churchill remarked,
'I will defend him. I think it is my duty.'
'What?' 1 said, 'irrespective of what he has done?'
Winston looked grave, and, putting his hands on his breast, he said with emotion, 'He feels it here', at which I looked at Mrs. Churchill's thoughtful face, but said nothing more.10
Churchill had a strong attachment to the King that went back to their first meeting, when Edward was proclaimed Prince of Wales in 1911. During the 1920s, Churchill had coached the Prince on writing and giving speeches, and they had discussed public affairs and played polo together. When Edward became King, Churchill sent him a letter expressing his confidence that 'your majesty's name will shine in history as the bravest and best beloved of the sovereigns who have worn the island crown.'" Churchill's own mother was American, which may have softened his attitude towards Wallis. He had a private nickname for her in his letters to his wife - 'Curie',12 In any case, Churchill was a romantic, and his own marriage was a love match (a nickname in Punch for the devoted Churchills was 'The Birdikins'"). But he regarded Wallis as a nuisance because he believed that it would not be possible for Edward to marry her and to remain King, at least before the coronation.
He had first become involved in the King's dilemma on 7 July 1936, when he was consulted by Walter Monckton for his views. Monckton had explained that Mrs Simpson was contemplating a divorce and that her husband was more than ready to go along with this as he was involved with someone else. He had assured Churchill that the King had no thought of marrying Mrs Simpson, but could not bear her to be married to another man, as his 'possessive sense' was strong.14 Churchill was opposed to the idea of a divorce, since this would expose the King to the criticism that he had destroyed the marriage of an innocent man." He also advised against inviting Mrs Simpson to Balmoral on the grounds that the castle was an official residence16 - that such an invitation would not be appropriate, as Wallis was the King's mistress, not his wife. Not very pleased with this advice, Edward did not turn again to Churchill for several months. But Churchill remained ready to help him, whenever he chose. When a small deputation of elder statesmen, led by Lord Salisbury, met with Baldwin to discuss the King's affairs on 17 November 1936 - the night on which Edward left for his tour of South Wales - Churchill did not attend. He told Salisbury that he could not join because he was confident that Edward would wish to consult him at some point. And if he was known to have joined the deputation, he explained, this might undermine his influence with the King.
Once the news of Edward's love for Wallis had become national news, in the first days of December, Churchill began to confront Baldwin on the actions of the Government. 'Would my right hon. Friend give us an assurance', he asked Baldwin at Question Time in the House of Commons on 3 December, 'that no irrevocable step will be taken before a formal statement has been made to Parliament?'18 This intervention was welcomed by MPs. 'The House broke into cheers as Mr Churchill asked [his] question', reported the Evening Standard.19 Churchill's request was very reasonable. As the chairman of the Trades Union Congress insisted at this time, 'the Government of the country must be by and through Parliament, and it is this great institution that enables us to govern ourselves with the consent and will of the people. It must be preserved at all costs.' Baldwin replied to Churchill's request that he had nothing to add, but that he would examine the question. He was flustered by Churchill's intervention and not sure how to react. The King was not allowed to speak to the public, and Mrs Simpson was in Cannes - but Churchill was a quantity over which he had far less control.
On the next day, 4 December, at Question Time in the House, Churchill put his request to Baldwin for a second time. This time, Baldwin was 'irritable, as though to complain', observed Malcolm Muggeridge, then a journalist working for the Evening Standard, as if 'surely he had enough to bear without that being brought up again.'21 But Churchill was greeted with cheers. Baldwin was told by the Government's Chief Whip that support for Churchill's views was growing and was shared by at least forty MPs.22 And evidence of popular support was arriving in the post for Churchill every day: over the next few days, he received nearly five hundred letters and telegrams, nearly all of which praised him for his stand. 'We feel', said one woman, a nonconformist, 'that the genuine public opinion and not the public opinion as interpreted by Mr Baldwin should be heard . . . we are prepared to support you, actively if necessary.'23 Only Churchill, stated another letter, was willing to speak up for 'we the "gagged" millions of this country'.24
&
nbsp; 'It is hard to believe that this is happening,' wrote one woman, 'in England with a House of Commons.'25 Another woman said she was writing to Churchill because this was the only means at her disposal of making her feelings known. 'It is a comment on the working of a democratic system that decisions should be given in the name of public opinion when no steps have been taken to test that opinion', she observed.26 'Millions will back you, whatever line you take,' wrote another supporter, 'in your fight against hole and corner hustling of the King.' What would happen, he wondered hopefully, 'if the Duke of York were to say that he would not be party to driving his brother out?'27 From the city of York came gratitude to Churchill for his stand 'against all the selfish "snobbery" and "Hypocrisy" with which he, & Mrs Simpson are contending with God bless the kind & true hearts of them both - and yours also!'28
Churchill met with the King at Fort Belvedere on 4 December. Edward had sought permission for this interview the day before, pointing out to Baldwin that Churchill was 'an old friend with whom he could talk freely'.2' Baldwin had agreed - not knowing, he told Tom Dugdale later, 'the full extent of the Churchill-Harmsworth- Beaverbrook activities'. By giving this permission, he feared afterwards, 'I have made my first blunder.'30 Chamberlain agreed that Baldwin had made a mistake and sent him a memorandum objecting that, 'This constitutes Mr Churchill one of [the King's] advisers although he is not His Minister. This is utterly unconstitutional. 1 doubt if such a thing has ever occurred since the time of James II.' He believed that, 'Obviously Churchill will advise him to fight, tell him that public opinion is with him. I must resist this plan in Cabinet.'31 The Cabinet as a whole was unhappy about it, but could see that the Prime Minister had little choice but to accede to the request.
At the Fort, Churchill stressed the need for delay. This was timely advice: earlier that evening, Baldwin had told Edward that he would like a decision about Mrs Simpson to be reached as soon as possible - during the weekend, or even that very evening.32 It was clear to Churchill that Edward was feeling very pressured. 'Your Majesty need not have the slightest fear about time', he assured him. if you require time there is no force in this country that would or could deny it you.' After all, he pointed out, Baldwin would not be able to resist him. If he did, he said,
you could remind him that he himself took nearly three months rest in order to recover from the strain of the session. Your strain is far more intense and prolonged. Mr Baldwin is a fatherly man and nothing would induce him to treat you harshly in such a matter. Ministers could not possibly resign on such an issue as your request for time."
But if Baldwin persisted in building up the pressure on the King, advised Churchill, then he should retire to Windsor Castle and close both gates. His doctors, he added, should act as sentries.
After this meeting, Churchill went off to London to speak to Max Beaverbrook. He urged the King to work with Beaverbrook: 'He is a tiger to fight. A devoted tiger! Very scarce breed . . ."4 He sent a letter to Baldwin, describing the great strain on the King and urging the Prime Minister to allow Edward more time to reach a decision, it would be a most cruel and wrong thing', he insisted, 'to extort a decision from him in his present state.
Churchill also drafted a statement to the press, explaining why delay was so important. There was no need for haste in any case, he pointed out, since a marriage could not legally take place for another five months, when the decree nisi became absolute. Parliament, he objected, had not been consulted or allowed to express an opinion. He also criticized the Cabinet for securing from the leaders of the Opposition parties, Attlee and Sinclair, a promise not to participate in the formation of a new government were the present one to resign. The effect of this, he said, had been to confront Edward with an ultimatum. He pointed out, too, the disadvantaged position of the King - that he could not communicate with his people except with the permission of his Ministers. 'The wise and eloquent appeal issued in today's Press of the Right Honourable Winston Churchill', wrote a man in Leeds to the King, 'surely voices the sentiments and views of the vast majority of your subjects.''6
Now, and throughout the crisis, Churchill did his utmost to plead both with Baldwin and with the public for patience and delay. This was also the position of Duff Cooper and Beaverbrook, and of many members of the public. 'Don't let the snobs rush you, we will clean them up', wrote a sailor in Brighton to the King.5 'Do NOT hurry - you will win in the end', wrote a Londoner.38 As the Minister of Health admitted in a Cabinet meeting, 'what people were saying was, "Give the King time".'39 Even as far away as Australia, W. M. Hughes in the Sydney Morning Herald observed that 'the earnest prayer of every section of the Australian people was that no irrevocable decision should be made without the lapse of a period for quiet reflection.'40 Earl de la Warr wrote to Baldwin with a personal plea:
like many others, I have had my personal difficulties. In these moments of madness time means so much - and one so often needs much more time than one deserves . . . Again please forgive me for writing - but if I had not once had more time than I deserved I might have made a terrible mistake.41
But The Times presented the opposite view. There was a 'widespread desire', it claimed at the end of its leading article on 5 December, 'that this profoundly disturbing difficulty should be rapidly settled.'42
Churchill had insisted on the need for delay because there was always, as he explained later to Dawson, the possibility that the King might fall out of love with Wallis and change his mind. The problem would then disappear - 'this situation might never arise for a year or two ahead or never arise at all, because many things happen to human beings in a year or two.'4' But there were some who were not sure that they wanted him to change his mind. In his diary, Chamberlain expressed a hope that the King would renounce his plan to marry Mrs Simpson, as he believed this was what the country wanted; but he also admitted that 'I have felt all through that we should never be safe with this K.'44 Many others shared his view. 'I had lunch with Geoffrey Dawson on Friday and with Patrick Duff and Geoffrey Fry yesterday', wrote Thomas Jones to Lady Grigg in a letter on 8 December. 'All hope personally', he added,
that H. M. will go. You know as well or better than I do what a 'problem' he has been and is . . . This King has done the popularity side of his job supremely well - he has the memory for persons, a quick if shallow intelligence, and a sense of drama. But he dislikes work and escapes from it and delays and postpones its performance . . ,45
Lord Wigram, who had been a key figure in the court of King George V, thought that the King should abdicate because he was mentally ill. Geoffrey Dawson heard from one source that Wigram had confirmed
what I had heard from another trustworthy source - that H. M. is mentally ill, and that his obsession is due not to mere obstinacy but to a deranged mind. More than once in the past he's shown symptoms of persecution-mania. This, even apart from the present matter, would lead almost inevitably to recurring quarrels with his ministers if he remained on the throne.
Edward was likened to yet another of the previous monarchs of Britain - 'It's an odd and tragic throw-back to George III.'46 Lord Wigram was so concerned that he called on the Lord Chancellor and told him, 'I did not think the King was normal, and this view was shared by my colleagues at Buckingham Palace. He might any day develop into a George III.' It was 'imperative', added Wigram, 'to pass the Regency Bill as soon as possible, so that if necessary he could be certified.'47 Clearly, King Edward could not count on much in the way of support from the members of his royal household who identified with the court of George V, and who now seemed ready to pack him off to a mental asylum.
In fact, Edward showed every sign of being a well-balanced and sensible man. He had not flinched when, the previous July, a man had thrown an object which looked like a bomb in front of his horse while he was riding down Constitution Hill in London. He simply reined in his horse, before proceeding slowly and unflustered on his way.48 It later emerged that the object was a loaded revolver, wielded by one George McMahon, who w
as unbalanced mentally and suspected of being a Nazi sympathizer. Edward was under severe nervous strain in late November and early December, but even then he appears to have coped with the rush of events remarkably well (although he smoked a great deal). Baldwin said so himself on 6 December, when he discussed with his Cabinet the letter from Churchill, pressing for delay on the grounds of Edward's impaired health. He said he had 'never known the King more cool, clear-minded, understanding every point and arguing the different issues better. No man could have done this better.'49
It is odd that Edward did not show any 'symptoms of persecution- mania'. Certainly he knew that some key figures wanted him to give up the crown. Baldwin had even said so, to his face, during the discussion with Edward in which he told the King he would not be allowed to broadcast to the nation. In this exchange, which was reported to the Cabinet on 4 December,
His Majesty then said, 'You want me to go, don't you?' The Prime Minister agreed. He recalled that the King had told him that he wanted to go with dignity, in the best possible manner for Mrs Simpson and himself and his successor, without dividing the country .. ,so
It seemed to many that a division of the country, between the Cavaliers and Roundheads, might in fact be imminent. 'Clearly if the Gov. were to put pressure on HM they must be sure of everyone,' wrote Hilda Runciman in her diary. 'If the Gov. resign because HM wont [sic] take their advice cd. any one else form a Gov.?'51 Obviously some members of the general public thought Edward could. 'Marry whom you please, call on Winston Churchill, form government,' came a telegram from the chairwoman of the Barnet Urban District Council.52 'Dismiss the Cabinet,' urged one letter-writer. 'They are not worth a pennyworth of You. Ask Mr Churchill to form a Govt and all will be well.'53
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