The Amish

by Donald B. Kraybill

  In one midwestern settlement, sociologist Denise Reiling found that youth decided to join or leave the church “in relative isolation, without much discussion or deliberation with others.” Some considered defection “a very serious sin, and as such, involving others in the deliberation would exacerbate the offense.” Defection carries a stigma because it dishonors parents, rejects the religious teaching of the church, and, in the eyes of some, could lead to eternal damnation.31

  The Amish believe there is an age of moral accountability in the late teens when young people become responsible for the eternal consequences of their behavior. Until that time, babies and children who die go straight into the “arms of Jesus.” Likewise, those who confess faith in Jesus at baptism have a living hope of a heavenly home. But what about those in Rumspringa who have not yet been baptized? They are seen as standing in the doorway, neither in nor out. What if they die in an accident while running around? Or if Jesus returns to earth before they confess their faith in him? “Someday, somebody’s children are going to be in that state and Jesus is coming,” one twenty-five-year-old Amish man said. “That is my greatest concern. … But that’s a risk we’ve all had to take to get to be Amish, passing through that period.”32

  Some Rumspringa youth also worry that they risk eternal damnation if they are not baptized into the Amish church, even if they join another church. Although the Amish respect other Christian traditions and do endorse adult choice, they strongly encourage their children by word and example to accept the faith in which they were raised. Indeed, members in some communities would say defection may lead to hell. Consequently, some youth who ponder leaving may undergo an intense spiritual struggle about their eternal destiny.33

  Such youth face a culturally constructed dilemma. On the one hand, their heritage promises freedom of choice. Indeed, they will not be formally punished or shunned if they leave. On the other hand, if they abandon the Amish way, they will dishonor their parents, and some fear they may be headed toward fire and brimstone.34 To add to the weighty decision, they know that if they are baptized and join the church, the vows they declare before God and the congregation will carry serious consequences for life and eternity. It is better, candidates are told, not to make a vow than to make one and break it later.

  Baptism

  Baptism is the most important rite in Amish life. It signals an individual’s confession of Christian faith and willingness to submit to the authority of the Amish church until death. The entire sociocultural system rests on two foundational understandings: (1) the church is a voluntary body comprised of those who make an adult decision to embrace Christian faith; and (2) upon baptism, the church has the authority to enforce collective guidelines for its members’ conduct. Thus, baptism is a monumental commitment with everlasting consequences. Baptismal candidates are reminded that their Anabaptist forebears who knelt for this ordinance risked torture, imprisonment, and even death. Nonetheless, as we reported in chapter 10, at least 85 percent of youth who are raised Amish take this monumental step.

  The typical age at baptism ranges from seventeen to the early twenties. Women tend to be baptized at a slightly younger age than men. Candidates attend a series of instruction classes before baptism, which occurs once a year or every other year depending on the affiliation. The number and the format of the catechism sessions vary by settlement, but the baptismal candidates typically meet with the bishop and ministers to review the Eighteen Articles of the Dordrecht Confession. At the wrap-up session the ministers emphasize the weight of the decision and remind young men that by accepting baptism they are also consenting to serve as leaders if the church and God should ever call them.

  The Dordrecht Confession describes worthy candidates for baptism as those who “bring forth genuine fruits of repentance, amend their lives, believe the Gospel, depart from evil and do good, cease from wrong and forsake sin, putting … on true righteousness and holiness.”35 The statement makes it clear that the act of baptism cannot save anyone and that only faith and a spiritual new birth can lead to salvation. As they kneel on the floor, the candidates renounce self, the devil, and the world, and promise to obey Christ and the church for the rest of their lives.

  The rite of baptism follows the second of two sermons that are part of a regular church service. The candidates sit in a front row in a bent posture during the morning sermons—a sign of their yieldedness to God and willingness to submit to the authority of the church. The sermons typically include Old Testament stories related to water—Noah’s ark and the children of Israel crossing the Red Sea—as well as New Testament teachings on the new birth and examples of baptism.

  The bishop then invites the candidates to kneel and asks the four baptismal questions:

  1. Can you also confess with the eunuch [described in Acts 8:37]: Yes, I believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God? Answer: Yes, I believe that Jesus is the Son of God.

  2. Do you also recognize this to be a Christian order, church and fellowship under which you now submit yourselves? Answer: Yes.

  3. Do you renounce the world, the devil with all his subtle ways, as well as your own flesh and blood, and desire to serve Jesus Christ alone, who died on the cross for you? Answer: Yes.

  4. Do you also promise before God and His church that you will support these teachings and regulations [Ordnung] with the Lord’s help, faithfully attend the services of the church, help to counsel and work in it, and not to forsake it, whether it leads you to life or to death? Answer: Yes.36

  After each candidate responds with yes, she or he remains kneeling as the congregation rises. The bishop reads a baptismal prayer from the prayer book that includes these lines: “They renounce the devil, the world, and their own flesh and blood. … They desire to live only for Jesus Christ. … They consent and gladly agree to place their faith in the holy Gospel and to give themselves in full obedience to it. … May they be enabled by Thy power to strive against and overcome sin, the world, the devil, and hell so that they may be crowned as heavenly kings.”37

  Following the prayer, the congregation is seated again while the deacon, who has provided a small pail of water and a cup, pours a small amount of water into the bishop’s cupped hands, which rest on the head of a kneeling applicant. The bishop releases the water, baptizing the young person in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. The bishop then invites the person to rise and, if he is male, offers two signs of fellowship—a handshake and a kiss of peace. The bishop’s wife does likewise if the newly baptized person is female. The ritual is repeated for each baptismal candidate. Finally, the bishop concludes by telling them, “You are no longer guests and strangers, but workers and members in this sacred and godly fellowship.”38 In his concluding admonition, the bishop urges the congregation to be faithful and obedient, and other ministers offer words of affirmation as well. After they attend their first communion, the newly baptized will hold all the rights and responsibilities of membership.

  The Riddle of Rumspringa

  Why do the overwhelming majority of Amish youth choose baptism into the Amish faith? Observers who have seen popular representations of Rumspringa sometimes wonder how Amish-raised youth can reject the taste of the American life they have sampled and pledge themselves to their distinctive birthright faith.

  The answer lies in the fact that numerous socioreligious forces funnel youth toward the church. Parents and leaders have reminded them that the Amish faith, which they have absorbed since childhood, is important for eternal salvation. They have also been taught to honor and respect their parents, so to veer away at this point would shame and dishonor them. For many youth, their embrace of Amish ways reflects a deep and sincere spiritual commitment.

  Peer pressure is another potent factor. This, of course, is why many parents hope that their offspring will join a youth group that encourages church membership. Romantic ties can also matter. One Amish man openly admitted that “the only thing that brought me to the Church was a pretty Amish girl.”
Girls often join the church before boys, and girls in courtship exert a strong tug over their prospective spouses.

  Economic opportunities, especially for males, may also nudge youth toward baptism. The opportunity to take over a business or a farm, or to secure employment in an aunt’s greenhouse or an uncle’s shop, may add incentive. Finally, their childhood immersion in Amish culture, membership in a large extended family, and firsthand knowledge of the benefits of communal support in hard times make joining their birthright church the easiest and most comfortable option. Obviously, a different mix of these factors comes into play for every individual.

  The riddle of Rumspringa persists, however. Why does a religious tradition that emphasizes separation from the world and the transience of this life allow its young folks some freedom during Rumspringa? Because of their theological commitment to voluntary adult baptism, Amish parents and church elders have little leeway. Besides, by providing an exit door, Rumspringa screens out prospective members who do not fit the Amish ethos—those most likely to later become malcontents in the church. Filtering them out in advance grants them the freedom to explore other ways of life, and it is easier for church leaders to maintain harmony within the community with them gone.

  Moreover, Rumspringa provides a form of social vaccination, a small dose of the outside culture that prevents members from being “stricken” by it later. During Rumspringa some teens learn that, although some green grass grows on the other side of the Amish cultural fence, plenty of weeds sprout there as well. Furthermore, those who return home and “repent from a misspent youth … become stalwart defenders of Amish tradition, having experienced the bankrupt, empty life of ‘doing your own thing,’” according to one Amish leader.

  Is the choice to be or not to be Amish a real choice? There is freedom to leave the community without impunity; otherwise there would be few, if any, defectors. The host of forces corralling youth toward church membership, however, suggests that the choice may be a perceived one as much as a real one. In fact, even the most rowdy youth typically explore the outside world with an Amish peer group, ensuring that even their deviant behavior is undertaken in Amish company. Those on Facebook, for example, have mostly Amish friends, insulating them somewhat, despite their foray into popular social media.

  Moreover, even for youth in the most progressive communities, the cultural chasm between Amish life and mainstream society is deep and wide and not easily crossed. To take the leap is like plunging into a foreign culture with its own language, values, and practices. For those in conservative communities with limited interaction with outsiders, the gap is even wider, and they have fewer skills with which to make the crossing.

  Finally, although the religious principle of voluntarism is foundational, the informal social pressures from parents, peers, and extended family are intense. These prods to embrace the faith mitigate somewhat the claim of an entirely free, unfettered choice. Vigorous retention is essential for any endogamous group to grow, so such prompts are understandable. Women are somewhat more likely than young men to join the church; nevertheless, some of them also struggle with the decision. Saloma Furlong, who grew up in Geauga County, Ohio, and defected after baptism, says, “When I was nineteen, there were subtle hints and outright suggestions that I should be baptized and join the church. I was unsure about joining church because I didn’t know if I could be sincere about it and be a good Amish person. And deep down, I knew that if I did join and then left the Amish, I would be shunned for the rest of my life. … In the end I did not have a choice. If I hadn’t joined that summer, the expectations for [the] next summer would have only become more intense.”39

  So, although baptism might, for some youth, be less of an actual choice than a presumed rite of passage, the perception of choice is important. Those who join the church may someday need to remind themselves—should they become restless—that they indeed had a choice, and that it was their decision to join. Baptism, then, becomes a signpost of their commitment, a reminder that they have chosen this life for themselves. This signpost fortifies adult commitment to the church and increases the willingness of members to build the community as well as to yield to its demands.

  Thus, despite the many myths that encircle it, Rumspringa is a time for youth not only to sort out their identities but to prepare for the lifelong commitments that await them. We explore the obligations and rewards of those commitments in chapter 13.

  CHAPTER 13

  SOCIAL TIES AND COMMUNITY RHYTHMS

  * * *

  The Beiler family lost a twenty-year-old son in a tragic snowmobile accident in 2005. On the first Sunday after the funeral, thirty-two families visited them to offer support and share their grief, and an average of twenty-five visitors a day came over the next two weeks. In addition, in the eight weeks following their son’s death, they received over six hundred sympathy cards and letters as well as bouquets of flowers from Amish friends near and far. Such an outpouring of care is not unusual after a death—especially the unexpected one of a young person.

  * * *

  The Web of Community

  Beneath the bonnets and buggies of the Amish world lies a human community woven together by resilient threads of duty and care, friendship and family.1 This deep and enduring sense of belonging is undoubtedly what draws many outsiders to the Amish way of life. Spontaneous visiting, social gatherings, shared labor, and distinctive rituals create solidarity and generate social capital. Much like financial capital, the social version provides resources that can be accrued, compounded, and drawn upon—in this case, for the well-being of the community and the benefit of individual members. Social capital includes networks of relationships, rituals, extended family ties, and long-standing social traditions.2 Combined with the cultural capital of shared values and knowledge, social capital enables communities to mobilize resources to raise a barn or orchestrate a meal for four hundred people (see fig. 13.1). An Amish man described it this way: “There’s much caring and sharing in times of need, helping together to raise barns and in funeral and wedding arrangements, to plant and harvest crops if a farmer is laid up. … Much of this caring is done at a moment’s notice, when the neighbors see the crops need to be tended.”3

  FIGURE 13.1. Cultural and Social Capital Resources

  Many activities in the Amish life cycle create and expend social capital. Some of the church decrees over the years, such as forbidding motor vehicles, have helped to preserve the social capital that energizes community by reinforcing small-scale, slower-paced ways of life. From weddings to funerals, from visiting to bidding at auctions, the everyday rhythms of community build solidarity and shape Amish identity.

  Weddings

  Weddings signal the passage to adulthood in Amish society. Next to baptism and communion, the wedding is the most important ritual enactment because it underscores the importance of marriage and its potential for procreation, which is crucial for community growth. The energy, excitement, and festivity surrounding a wedding signal its significance.4 Although weddings vary from community to community, some practices span all of them. Unlike the unique, customized ceremonies crafted by mainstream couples in the twenty-first century, Amish weddings, like all Amish rituals, are regulated by the community, not by the individual participants. As one observer notes, the simplicity of Amish weddings reinforces the values of relationships, community, and faith, rather than calling attention to fashion, style, and lavish expense.5

  Weddings are usually held on weekdays, although in communities with many factory workers some weddings are held on Saturdays to accommodate work schedules. Some settlements hold weddings throughout the year, but others observe a wedding “season” in the spring and fall. Still others hold weddings on Tuesdays and Thursdays following the autumn harvest. In a sample of 1,087 weddings in five states and Ontario, only 3 percent were held during December, January, and February. Thirty-seven percent occurred in May and June, and the rest were scattered across other months, with regional variatio
ns. The average age of marriage is 21.1 for women and 22.3 for men. Except in Ontario, the grooms are, on average, older than the brides.6

  In settlements with a wedding season, it is not unusual for people to be invited to a handful of weddings within several days. Friends and family from out of state may travel by train, van, or bus to participate. Guests at one wedding in Delaware came from nine different settlements stretching from Texas to Ontario.7 A Pennsylvania woman, writing in an Amish publication, said, “Our community had a round of weddings, ten in all, and now we are leaving for two more in Kentucky.”8

  The wedding ceremony is held in the house, shop, or other building at the home of the bride or a relative. The reception may be held at the same place as the ceremony, but in some communities, it is hosted elsewhere. There is never a rehearsal because the well-known ritual steps require no practice.9 Photographs, gowns, veils, rings, and tuxedos are missing. The music consists of slow-paced Ausbund hymns sung a cappella by the congregation.

  Two couples who accompany the bride and groom constitute the wedding party. Although they wear new clothing, it is the same style that they wear to church. The bride and her two attendants wear the same color dresses, typically some shade of blue. The three women wear white capes and aprons over their dresses.10 The three men wear black suit coats and white shirts, as they do for church. Before and after the service, the groom wears the wide-brimmed hat customary for adult men.

  The five-minute wedding ceremony comes at the end of a three-hour service that otherwise follows the order of a typical church service. While the congregation sings several hymns, the couple meets privately with the ministers for about forty minutes. During this time they receive admonitions and blessings as they embark on their marital journey.