A Benjamin Franklin Reader

by Isaacson, Walter

  I pray God long to preserve to Great Britain the laws, manners, liberties and religion notwithstanding the complaints so frequent in your public papers, of the prevailing corruption and degeneracy of your people; I know you have a great deal of virtue still subsisting among you, and I hope the Constitution is not so near a dissolution, as some seem to apprehend; I do not think you are generally become such slaves to your vices, as to draw down that Justice Milton speaks of when he says that sometimes nations will descend so low from reason, which is virtue, that no wrong, but justice, and some fatal curse annexed deprives them of their outward liberty, Their inward lost.—Paradise Lost.

  In history we find that piety, public spirit and military prowess have their flows, as well as their ebbs, in every nation, and that the tide is never so low but it may rise again; but should this dreaded fatal change happen in my time, how should I even in the midst of the affliction rejoice, if we have been able to preserve those invaluable treasures, and can invite the good among you to come and partake of them! O let not Britain seek to oppress us, but like an affectionate parent endeavor to secure freedom to her children; they may be able one day to assist her in defending her own whereas a mortification begun in the foot may spread upwards to the destruction of the nobler parts of the body. I fear I have extended this rambling letter beyond your patience, and therefore conclude with requesting your acceptance of the enclosed pamphlet from, Sir,

  Your most humble servant,

  B. Franklin

  The Albany Plan for an

  American Union

  Pennsylvania and other colonies were plagued by recurring wars against the French and their Indian allies. In response, Britain’s ministers asked each colony to send delegates to a conference in Albany, New York, in June of 1754. They would have two missions: meeting with the Iroquois Indian confederation to reaffirm their allegiance, and discussing among themselves ways to create a more unified colonial defense.

  Cooperation among the colonies did not come naturally. Some of their assemblies declined the invitation, and most of the seven that accepted instructed their delegates to avoid any plan for colonial confederation. Franklin, on the other hand, was always eager to foster more unity. He wrote an editorial in the Gazette in which he blamed the French success “on the present disunited state of the British colonies.” Next to the article he printed the first and most famous editorial cartoon in American history: a snake cut into pieces, labeled with names of the colonies, with the caption: “Join, or Die.”

  Franklin was appointed to be one of the commissioners at the Albany Conference. He carried with him a paper he had written proposing a union of the northern colonies. At its core was a somewhat new concept that became known as federalism. A “General Government” would handle matters such as national defense and westward expansion, but each colony would keep its own constitution and local governing power. Though he was sometimes dismissed as more of a practitioner than a visionary conceptualizer, Franklin in Albany had helped to devise a federal concept—orderly, balanced, and enlightened—that would eventually form the basis for a unified American nation.

  The commissioners approved a plan along these lines and sent it to the colonial assemblies as well as to Parliament for approval. But it was rejected by all of the colonial assemblies for usurping too much of their power, and it was shelved in London for giving too much democratic power to voters in the colonies. “The assemblies did not adopt it as they all thought there was too much prerogative in it,” Franklin recalled, “and in England it was judged to have too much of the democratic.”

  Looking back on it near the end of his life, Franklin was convinced that the acceptance of his Albany Plan could have prevented the Revolution and created a harmonious empire. “The colonies so united would have been sufficiently strong to have defended themselves,” he reasoned. “There would then have been no need of troops from England; of course the subsequent pretence for taxing America, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have been avoided.”

  On that score he was probably mistaken. Further conflicts over Britain’s right to tax her colonies and keep them subservient were almost inevitable. But for the next two decades, Franklin would struggle to find a harmonious solution even as he became more convinced of the need for the colonies to unite.

  THE ALBANY PLAN OF UNION, JULY 10, 1754

  Plan of a Proposed Union of the Several Colonies of

  Massachusetts-bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut,

  Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland,

  Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, For their

  Mutual Defense and Security, and for Extending the

  British Settlements in North America

  That humble Application be made for an Act of the Parliament of Great Britain, by Virtue of which, one General Government may be formed in America, including all the said Colonies, within and under which Government, each Colony may retain its present Constitution, except in the Particulars wherein a Change may be directed by the said Act, as hereafter follows.

  President General

  Grand Council.

  That the said General Government be administered by a President General, To be appointed and Supported by the Crown, and a Grand Council to be Chosen by the Representatives of the People of the Several Colonies, met in their respective Assemblies.

  Election of Members.

  That within Months after the passing of such Act, The House of Representatives in the Several Assemblies, that Happen to be Sitting within that time or that shall be Specially for that purpose Convened, may and Shall Choose Members for the Grand Council in the following Proportions, that is to say.

  Place of first meeting.

  Who shall meet for the first time at the City of Philadelphia, in Pennsylvania, being called by the President General as soon as conveniently may be, after his Appointment.

  New Election.

  That there shall be a New Election of Members for the Grand Council every three years; And on the Death or Resignation of any Member his Place shall be Supplied by a New Choice at the next Sitting of the Assembly of the Colony he represented.

  Proportion of Members after first 3 years.

  That after the first three years, when the Proportion of Money arising out of each Colony to the General Treasury can be known, The Number of Members to be Chosen, for each Colony shall from time to time in all ensuing Elections be regulated by that proportion (yet so as that the Number to be Chosen by any one Province be not more than Seven nor less than Two).

  Meetings of Grand Council.

  Call.

  That the Grand Council shall meet once in every Year, and oftener if Occasion require, at such Time and place as they shall adjourn to at the last preceding meeting, or as they shall be called to meet at by the President General, on any Emergency, he having first obtained in Writing the Consent of seven of the Members to such call, and sent due and timely Notice to the whole.

  Speaker.

  Continuance.

  That the Grand Council have Power to Choose their Speaker, and shall neither be Dissolved, prorogued nor Continue Sitting longer than Six Weeks at one Time without their own Consent, or the Special Command of the Crown.

  Member’s Allowance.

  That the Members of the Grand Council shall be Allowed for their Service ten shillings Sterling per Diem, during their Sessions or Journey to and from the Place of Meeting; Twenty miles to be reckoned a days Journey.

  Assent of President General.

  His Duty.

  That the Assent of the President General be requisite, to all Acts of the Grand Council, and that it be His Office, and Duty to cause them to be carried into Execution.

  Power of President and Grand Council.

  Peace and War.

  Indian Purchases.

  New Settlements.

  Laws to Govern them.

  That the President General with the advice of the Grand Council, hold or direct all Indian Treati
es in which the General Interest or Welfare of the Colony’s may be Concerned; And make Peace or Declare War with the Indian Nations. That they make such Laws as they Judge Necessary for regulating all Indian Trade. That they make all Purchases from Indians for the Crown, of Lands not within the Bounds of Particular Colonies, or that shall not be within their Bounds when some of them are reduced to more Convenient Dimensions. That they make New Settlements on such Purchases, by Granting Lands in the King’s Name, reserving a Quit Rent to the Crown, for the use of the General Treasury. That they make Laws for regulating and Governing such new Settlements, till the Crown shall think fit to form them into Particular Governments.

  Raise Soldiers &c.

  Lakes.

  Not to Impress

  Power to make Laws Duties &c.

  That they raise and pay Soldiers, and build Forts for the Defense of any of the Colonies, and equip Vessels of Force to Guard the Coasts and Protect the Trade on the Ocean, Lakes, or Great Rivers; But they shall not Impress Men in any Colonies, without the Consent of its Legislature. That for these purposes they have Power to make Laws And lay and Levy such General Duties, Imposts, or Taxes, as to them shall appear most equal and Just, Considering the Ability and other Circumstances of the Inhabitants in the Several Colonies, and such as may be Collected with the least Inconvenience to the People, rather discouraging Luxury, than

  Treasurer.

  Money how to Issue.

  Loading Industry with unnecessary Burdens.

  That they may Appoint a General Treasurer and a Particular Treasurer in each Government, when Necessary, And from Time to Time may Order the Sums in the Treasuries of each Government, into the General Treasury, or draw on them for Special payments as they find most Convenient; Yet no money to Issue, but by joint Orders of the President General and Grand Council Except where Sums have been Appropriated to particular Purposes, And the President General is previously empowered By an Act to draw for such Sums.

  Accounts.

  That the General Accounts shall be yearly Settled and Reported to the

  Several Assembly’s.

  Quorum.

  Laws to be Transmitted.

  That a Quorum of the Grand Council empowered to Act with the President General, do consist of Twenty-five Members, among whom there shall be one, or more from a Majority of the Colonies. That the Laws made by them for the Purposes aforesaid, shall not be repugnant but as near as may be agreeable to the Laws of England, and Shall be transmitted to the King in Council for Approbation, as Soon as may be after their Passing and if not disapproved within Three years after Presentation to remain in Force.

  Death of President General.

  That in case of the Death of the President General The Speaker of the Grand Council for the Time Being shall Succeed, and be Vested with the Same Powers, and Authority, to Continue until the King’s Pleasure be known.

  Officers how Appointed.

  That all Military Commission Officers Whether for Land or Sea Service, to Act under this General Constitution, shall be Nominated by the President General But the Approbation of the Grand Council, is to be

  Vacancies how Supplied.

  Each Colony may defend itself on Emergency. Obtained before they receive their Commissions, And all Civil Officers are to be Nominated, by the Grand Council, and to receive the President General’s Approbation, before they Officiate; But in Case of Vacancy by Death or removal of any Officer Civil or Military under this Constitution, The Governor of the Province, in which such Vacancy happens, may Appoint till the Pleasure of the President General and Grand Council can be known. That the Particular Military as well as Civil Establishments in each Colony remain in their present State, this General Constitution Notwithstanding. And that on Sudden Emergencies any Colony may Defend itself, and lay the Accounts of Expense thence Arisen, before the President General and Grand Council, who may allow and order payment of the same as far as they Judge such Accounts Just and reasonable.

  Catherine Ray

  After the Albany Conference, Franklin embarked on a tour of local post offices, in his capacity as postmaster that culminated in a visit to Boston. While staying with his brother John, he met an entrancing young woman who became the first intriguing example of his many amorous and romantic—but probably never consummated—flirtations.

  Catherine Ray was a lively and fresh twenty-three-year-old woman from Block Island, whose sister was married to John Franklin’s stepson. Franklin, then forty-eight, was both charmed and charming. She was a great talker; so too was Franklin, when he wanted to flatter, and he was also a great listener. They played a game where he tried to guess her thoughts; she called him a conjurer and relished his attention. She made sugarplums; he insisted they were the best he’d ever eaten.

  When it came time, after a week, for her to leave Boston to visit another sister in Newport, he decided to accompany her. Along the way, their poorly-shod horses had trouble on the icy hills; they got caught in cold rains and on one occasion took a wrong turn. But they would recall, years later, the fun they had talking for hours, exploring ideas, gently flirting. After two days with her family in Newport, he saw her off on the boat to Block Island.

  He left for Philadelphia slowly and with reluctance, loitering on the way for weeks. When he finally arrived home, there was a letter from her. Over the next few months he would write her six times, and through the course of their lives more than 40 letters would pass between them.

  From reading their letters, and between the lines, one gets the impression that Franklin made a few playful advances that Caty (she signed herself Caty, though he addressed her as Katy) gently deflected, and he seemed to respect her all the more for it. There are no signs, at least in the letters that survive, of a sexual affair. “I write this during a Northeaster storm of snow,” he said in the first one he sent after their meeting. “The snowy fleeces which are pure as your virgin innocence, white as your lovely bosom—and as cold.” In a letter a few months later, he spoke of life, math and the role of “multiplication” in marriage, adding roguishly: “I would gladly have taught you that myself, but you thought it was time enough, and wouldn’t learn.”

  How did his loyal and patient wife fit into this type of long-distance flirtation? Oddly enough, he seemed to use her as a shield, both with Caty and the other women he later toyed with, in order to keep his relationships just on the safe side of propriety. He invariably invoked Deborah’s name, and praised her virtues, in almost every letter he wrote to Caty. It was as if he wanted her to keep her ardor in perspective and to realize that, though his affection was real, his flirtations were merely playful. Or, perhaps, once his sexual advances had been rebuffed, he wanted to show (or to pretend) that they had not been serious.

  Instead of merely continuing their flirtation, Franklin also began to provide Caty with paternal exhortations about duty and virtue. “Be a good girl,” he urged, “until you get a good husband; then stay at home, and nurse the children, and live like a Christian.” He hoped that when he next visited her, he would find her surrounded by “plump, juicy, blushing pretty little rogues, like their mama.” And so it happened. The next time they met, she was married to William Greene, a future governor of Rhode Island, with whom she would have six children.

  So what are we to make of their relationship? Clearly there were sweet hints of romantic attractions. But unless Franklin was dissembling in his letters in order to protect her reputation (and his), the joy came from pleasant fancies rather than physical realities. It was probably typical of the many flirtations he would have with younger women over the years: slightly naughty in a playful way, flattering to both parties, filled with intimations of intimacy, engaging both the heart and the mind. Despite a reputation for lecherousness that he did little to dispel, there is no evidence of any serious sexual affair he had after his marriage to Deborah.

  TO CATHARINE RAY, MARCH 4, 1755

  Dear Katy,

  Your kind letter of January 20 is but just come to han
d, and I take this first opportunity of acknowledging the favor.

  It gives me great pleasure to hear that you got home safe and well that day. I thought too much was hazarded, when I saw you put off to sea in that very little skiff, tossed by every wave. But the call was strong and just, a sick parent. I stood on the shore, and looked after you, till I could no longer distinguish you, even with my glass; then returned to your sister’s, praying for your safe passage. Towards evening all agreed that you must certainly be arrived before that time, the weather having been so favorable; which made me more easy and cheerful, for I had been truly concerned for you.

  I left New England slowly, and with great reluctance: short days journeys, and loitering visits on the road, for three or four weeks, manifested my unwillingness to quit a country in which I drew my first breath, spent my earliest and most pleasant days, and had now received so many fresh marks of the people’s goodness and benevolence, in the kind and affectionate treatment I had every where met with. I almost forgot I had a home; till I was more than half-way towards it; till I had, one by one, parted with all my New England friends, and was got into the western borders of Connecticut, among mere strangers: then, like an old man, who, having buried all he loved in this world, begins to think of heaven, I begun to think of and wish for home; and as I drew nearer, I found the attraction stronger and stronger, my diligence and speed increased with my impatience, I drove on violently, and made such long stretches that a very few days brought me to my own house, and to the arms of my good old wife and children, where I remain, thanks to God, at present well and happy.