Complete Works of Velleius Paterculus

by Velleius Paterculus

  LVII

  Huius totius temporis fortunam ne deflere quidem quisquam satis digne potuit, adeo nemo exprimere verbis potest. Id tamen notandum est, fuisse in proscriptos uxorum fidem summam, libertorum mediam, servorum aliquam, filiorum nullam, adeo difficilis est hominibus utcumque conceptae spei mora. Ne quid ulli sanctum relinqueretur, velut ia dotem invitamentumque sceleris Antonius L. Caesarem avunculum, Lepidus Paulum fratrem proscripserant; nec Planco gratia defuit ad impetrandum, ut frater eius Plancus Plotius proscriberetur. Eoque inter iocos militaris, qui currum Lepidi Plancique secuti erant, inter execrationem civium usurpabant hunc versum: De germanis, non de Gallis duo triumphant consules.

  [67] (1) No one has even been able to deplore the fortunes of this whole period with such tears as the theme deserves, much less can one now describe it in words. One thing, however, demands comment, that (2) toward the proscribed their wives showed the greatest loyalty, their freedmen not a little, their slaves some, their sons none. So hard is it for men to brook delays in the realization of their ambitions, whatever they might be. (3) That no sacred tie might escape inviolate, and, as it were, as an inducement and invitation to such atrocities, Antony had Lucius Caesar, his uncle, placed upon the list, and Lepidus his own brother Paulus. Plancus also had sufficient influence to cause his brother Plancus Plotius to be enrolled among the proscribed. (4) And so the troops who followed the triumphal car of Lepidus and Plancus kept repeating among the soldiers’ jests, but amid the execrations of the citizens, the following line: Brothers-german our two consuls triumph over, not the Gauls.

  LVIII

  Suo praeteritum loco referatur; neque enim persona umbram actae rei capit. Dum in acie Pharsalica acriter de summa rerum Caesar dimicat, M. Caelius, vir eloquio animoque Curioni simillimus, sed in utroque perfectior nec minus ingeniose nequam, cum ne modica quidem solvere ac servari posset (quippe peior illi res familiaris quam mens erat), in praetura novarum tabularum auctor extitit nequiitque senatus et consulis auctoritate deterreri; accito etiam Milone Annio, qui non impetrato reditu Iulianis partibus infestus erat, in urbe seditionem, in agris haud occulte bellicum tumultum movens, primo summotus a re publica, mox consularibus armis auctore senatu circa Thurios oppressus est. In incepto pari similis fortuna Milonis fuit, qui Compsam in Hirpinis oppugnans ictusque lapide cum P. Clodio, tum patriae, quam armis petebat, poenas dedit, vir inquies et ultra fortem temerarius. Quatenus autem aliquid ex omissis peto, notetur immodica et intempestiva, libertate usos adversus C. Caesarem Marullum Epidium Flavumque Caesetium tribunos plebis, dum arguunt in eo regni voluntatem, paene vim dominationis expertos. In hoc tamen saepe lacessiti principis ira excessit, ut censoria potius contentus nota quam animadversione dictatoria summoveret eos a re publica testareturque esse sibi miserrimum, quod aut natura sua ei excedendum foret aut minuenda dignitas. Sed ad ordinem revertendum est.

  68 (1) Let me now relate a matter which I omitted in its proper place, for the person involved does not permit the deed to rest in obscurity. This person is Marcus Caelius, a man closely resembling Curio in eloquence and in spirit, though more than his peer in either, and quite as clever in his worthlessness. Being quite as bankrupt in property as in character and unable to save himself by paying even a reasonable proportion of his debts, (2) he came forward in his praetorship, at the time when Caesar was fighting for the control of affairs on the field of Pharsalus, as the author of a law for the cancellation of debts, nor could he be deterred from his course by the authority of either the senate or the consul. Calling to his aid Milo Annius, who was hostile to the Caesarian party because he had failed to secure from them his recall, he stirred up a sedition in the city, and openly raised armed bands in the country. He was first banished from the state and was later overcome at Thurii by the army of the consul, on the order of the senate. (3) A like fortune attended a similar attempt by Milo. While besieging Compsa, a city of the Hirpini, he was struck by a stone, and thus the restless man, too reckless to be called brave, paid the penalty he owed to Publius Clodius and to his country, against which he was bearing arms.

  (4) While engaged in supplying omissions I should note the intemperate and untimely display of independence shown towards Caesar by Marullus Epidius and Flavus Caesetius, tribunes of the people, who in charging him with the desire for the kingship, came near feeling the effects of his absolute power. Though Caesar was constantly provoked by them, (5) the only outcome of his wrath was that he was satisfied to brand them through the employment of his power as censor, and refrained from punishing them as dictator by banishing them from the state; and he expressed his great regret that he had no alternative but to depart from his customary clemency or suffer loss of dignity. But I must now return to the regular order of my narrative.

  LXIX

  Iam et Dolabella in Asia C. Trebonium consularem, cui succedebat, fraude deceptum Zmyrnae occiderat, virum adversus merita Caesaris ingratissimum participemque caedis eius, a quo ipse in consulare provectus fastigium fuerat; et C. Cassius acceptis a Statio Murco et Crispo Marcio, praetoriis viris imperatoribusque, praevalidis in Syria legionibus, inclusum Dolabellam, qui praeoccupata Asia in Syriam pervenerat, Laodiciae expugnata ea urbe interfecerat (ita tamen, ut ad ictum servi sui Dolabella non segniter cervicem daret) et decem legiones in eo tractu sui iuris fecerat; et M. Brutus C. Antonio, fratri M. Antonii, in Macedonia Vatinioque circa Dyrrachium volentis legiones extorserat (sed Antonium bello lacessierat, Vatinium di~matione obruerat, cum et Brutus cuilibet ducum praeferendus videretur et Vatinius nulli non esset postferendus, in quo deformitas corporis cum turpitudine certabat ingenii, adeo ut animus eius dignissimo domicilio inclusus videretur) eratque septem legionibus validus. At lege Pedia, quam consul Pedius collega Caesaris tulerat, omnibus, qui Caesarem patrem interfecerant, aqua ignique interdictum erat. Quo tempore Capito, patruus meus, vir ordinis senatorii, Agrippae subscripsit in C. Cassium. Dumque ea in Italia geruntur, acri atque prosperrimo bello Cassius Rhodum, rem inmanis operis, ceperat, Brutus Lycios devicerat, et inde in Macedoniam exercitus traiecerant, cum per omnia repugnans naturae suae Cassius etiam Bruti clementiam vinceret. Neque reperias, quos aut pronior fortuna comitata sit aut veluti fatigata maturius destituerit quam Brutum et Cassium.

  [69] (1) Meanwhile in Asia, Dolabella, who succeeded Gaius Trebonius as governor, had surprised the latter at Smyrna and had put him to death, a man who had showed the basest ingratitude in return for Caesar’s kindness, and had shared in the murder of him to whom he owed his advancement to the consulshi Dolabella had already occupied Asia and had passed over into Syria when Gaius Cassius, taking over their strong legions from Statius Murcus and Crispus Marcius, both praetorians who had been saluted as imperator by their troops, shut him up in Laodicea and by taking that city had caused his death; for Dolabella had promptly offered his neck to the sword of his own slave. Cassius also gained control of ten legions in that part of the empire. Marcus Brutus had raised his strength to seven legions by wresting their troops, by voluntary transfer of allegiance, (3) from Gaius Antonius, the brother of Marcus Antonius, in Macedonia, and from Vatinius in the vicinity of Dyrrachium. Brutus had been obliged to offer battle to Antony, but Vatinius he had overwhelmed by the weight of his own reputation, since Brutus was preferable to any general, while no man could rank lower than Vatinius, (4) whose deformity of body was rivalled to such an extent by the baseness of his character, that his spirit seemed to be housed in an abode that was thoroughly worthy of it.

  (5) By the Pedian law, proposed by Pedius, Caesar’s colleague in the consulship, a decree of banishment was passed upon all the assassins of Caesar. At this time Capito, my uncle, a man of senatorial rank, assisted Agrippa in securing the condemnation of Gaius Cassius. (6) While all this was taking place in Italy, Cassius in a vigorous and successful campaign had taken Rhodes, an undertaking of great difficulty. Brutus had meanwhile conquered the Lycians. The armies of both then crossed into Macedonia, where Cassius, contrary to his nature, uniformly outdid even Brutus in clemency. One will hardly fi
nd men who were ever attended by a more favourable fortune than Brutus and Cassius, or who were more quickly deserted by her, as though she were weary.

  LXX

  Tum Caesar et Antonius traiecerunt exercitus in Macedoniam et apud urbem Philippos cum Bruto Cassioque acie concurrerunt. Cornu, cui Brutus praeerat, impulsis hostibus castra Caesaris cepit (nam ipse Caesar, etiamsi infirmissimus valetudine erat, obibat munia ducis, oratus etiam ab Artorio medico, ne in castris remaneret, manifesta denuntiatione quietis territo), id autem, in quo Cassius fuerat, fugatum ac male mulcatum in altiora se receperat loca. Tum Cassius ex sua fortuna eventum collegae aestimans, cum dimisisset evocatum iussissetque nuatiare sibi, quae esset multitudo ac vis hominum, quae ad se tenderet, tardius eo nuntiante, cum in vicino esset agmen cursu ad eum tendentiurn neque pulvere facies aut signa denotari possent, existimans hostes esse, qui irruerent, lacerna caput circumdedit extentamque cervicem interritus liberto praebuit. Deciderat Cassii caput, cum evocatus advenit nuntians Brutum esse victorem. Qui cum imperatorem prostratum videret: “sequar”, inquit, “eum, quem mea occidit tarditas, et ita in gladium incubuit”. Post paucos deinde dies Brutus conflixit cum hostibus et victus acie cum in tumulum nocte ex fuga se recepisset, impetravit a Stratone Aegeate, familiari suo, ut manum morituro commodaret sibi; reiectoque laevo super caput brachio, cum mucronem gladii eius dextera tenens sinistrae admovisset mammillae ad eum ipsum locum, qua cor emicat, impellens se in vulnus uno ictu transfixus expiravit protinus.

  [70] (1) Then Caesar and Antonius transported their armies to Macedonia, and met Brutus and Cassius in battle near the city of Philippi. The wing under the command of Brutus, after defeating the enemy, captured Caesar’s camp; for Caesar was performing his duties as commander although he was in the poorest of health, and had been urged not to remain in camp by Artorius his physician, who had been frightened by a warning which had appeared to him in his sleep. On the other hand, the wing commanded by Cassius had been routed and roughly handled, and had retreated with much loss to higher ground. (2) Then Cassius, judging his colleague’s success by his own fortune, sent a veteran with instructions to report to him what was the large force of men which was now bearing down in his direction. As the orderly was slow in reporting, and the force approaching at a run was now close, while their identity and their standards could not be recognized for the dust, imagining that the troops rushing on him were those of the enemy, he covered his head with his military cloak and undismayed presented his neck to the sword of his freedman. (3) The head of Cassius had scarcely fallen when the orderly arrived with the report that Brutus was victorious. But when he saw his commander lying prostrate, he uttered the words, “I shall follow him whose death my tardiness has caused,” and fell upon his sword.

  (4) A few days later Brutus met the enemy, and was beaten in battle. In retreat he withdrew at nightfall to a hill, and there prevailed upon Strato of Aegaeae, one of his household, to lend him his hand in his resolve to die. (5) Raising his left arm above his head, and with his right holding the point of Strato’s sword he brought it close to the left nipple, at the place where the heart beats, and throwing himself upon the sword he died at once, transfixed by the stroke.

  LXXI

  Messalla, fulgentissimus iuvenis, proximus in illis castris Bruti Cassiique auctoritati, cum essent qui eum ducem poscerent, servari beneficio Caesaris maluit quam dubiam spem armorum temptare amplius; nec aut Caesari quidquam ex victoriis suis fuit laetius quam servasse Corvinum aut maius exemplum hominis grati ac pii, quam Corvinus in Caesarem fuit. Non aliud bellum cruentius caede clarissimorum virorum fuit. Tum Catonis filius cecidit; eadem Lucullum Hortensiumque, eminentissimorum civium filios, fortuna abstulit; nam Varro ad ludibrium moriturus Antonii digna illo ac vera de exitu eius magna cum libertate ominatus est. Drusus Livius, Iuliae Augustae pater, et Varus Quintilius ne temptata quidem hostis misericordia alter se ipse in tabernaculo interemit, Varus autem liberti, quem id facere coegerat, manu, cum se insignibus honorum velasset, iugulatus est.

  [71] (1) Messalla, a young man of brilliant parts, was next in authority to Brutus and Cassius in their camp. Although there were those who urged him to take command, he preferred to owe his safety to the kindness of Caesar than to try once again the doubtful hope of arms. Caesar, on his side, found no greater pleasure in his victories than in granting life to Corvinus, nor was there ever a better example of loyal gratitude than that shown by Corvinus to Caesar. No other war cost the blood of so many illustrious men. In that battle the son of Cato fell; (2) the same fortune carried off Lucullus and Hortensius, the sons of eminent citizens. Varro, when about to die, in mockery of Antony, with the utmost freedom of speech prophesied for Antony the death he deserved, a prophecy which came true. Drusus Livius, the father of Julia Augusta, and Quintilius Varus, without making any appeal for mercy, ended their lives. Livius died by his own hand in his tent; Varus first covered himself with the insignia of his offices and then forced his freedman to commit the deed.

  LXXII

  Hunc exitum M. Bruti partium septimum et tricesimum annum agentis fortuna esse voluit, incorrupto animo eius in diem, quae illi omnes virtutes unius temeritate facti abstulit. Fuit autem dux Cassius melior, quanto vir Brutus: e quibus Brutum amicum habere malles, inimicum magis timeres Cassium; in altero maior vis, in altero virtus: qui si vicissent, quantum rei publicae interfuit Caesarem potius habere quam Antonium principem, tantum retulisset habere Brutum quam Cassium. Cn. Domitius, pater L. Domitii nuper a nobis visi, eminentissimae ac nobilissimae simplicitatis viri, avus huius Cn. Domitii, clarissimi iuvenis, occupatis navibus cum magno sequentium consilia sua comitatu fugae fortunaeque se commisit, semet ipso contentus duce partium. Statius Murcus, qui classi et custodiae maris praefuerat, cum omni commissa sibi parte exercitus naviumque Sex. Pompeium, Cn. Magni filium, qui ex Hispania revertens Siciliam armis occupaverat, petiit. Ad quem et e Brutianis castris et ex Italia aliisque terrarum partibus, quos praesenti periculo fortuna subduxerat, proscripti confluebant: quippe nullum habentibus statum quilibet dux erat idoneus, cum fortuna non electionem daret, sed perfugium ostenderet exitialemque tempestatem fugientibus statio pro portu foret.

  [72] (1) This was the end reserved by fortune for the party of Marcus Brutus. He was in his thirty-seventh year, and had kept his soul free from corruption until this day, which, through the rashness of a single act, bereft him, together with his life, of all his virtuous qualities. (2) Cassius was as much the better general as Brutus was the better man. Of the two, one would rather have Brutus as a friend, but would stand more in fear of Cassius as an enemy. The one had more vigour, the other more virtue. As it was better for the state to have Caesar rather than Antony as emperor, so, had Brutus and Cassius been the conquerors, it would have been better for is to be ruled by Brutus rather than by Cassius.

  (3) Gnaeus Domitius, father of Lucius Domitius our late contemporary, a man of eminent and noble simplicity, and grandfather of Gnaeus Domitius, a young man of distinction in our own day, seized a number of ships, and relying on himself to lead his party, accompanied by a large number of companions who followed his lead, entrusted himself to the fortunes of flight. (4) Statius Murcus, who had had charge of the fleet and the patrolling of the seas, sought Sextus Pompey, son of Pompeius Magnus, with that portion of the army and of the fleet which had been entrusted to him. Pompey had returned from Spain and seized Sicily. (5) The proscribed whom fortune had spared, at least from immediate peril, now flocked to him from the camp of Brutus, from Italy, and from other parts of the world. For men who had now no legal status any leader would do, since fortune gave them no choice, but held out a place of refuge, and as they fled from the storm of death any shelter served as a harbour.

  LXXIII

  Hic adulescens erat studiis rudis, sermone barbarus, impetu strenuus, manu promptus, cogitatu celer, fide patri dissimillimus, libertorum suorum libertus servorumque servus, speciosis invidens, ut pareret humillimis. Quem senatus paene totus adhuc e Pompeianis constans partibus post Antonii a Mutina
fugam eodem illo tempore, quo Bruto Cassioque transmarinas provincias decreverat, revocatum ex Hispania, ubi adversus eum clarissimum bellum Pollio Asinius praetorius gesserat, in paterna bona, restituerat et orae maritimae praefecerat. Is tum, ut praediximus, occupata Sicilia servitia fugitivosque in numerum exercitus sui recipiens magnum modum legionum effecerat perque Menam et Menecraten paternos libertos, praefectos classium, latrociniis ac praedationibus infestato mari ad se exercitumque tuendum rapto utebatur, cum eum non depucleret vindicatum armis ac ductu patris sui mare infestare piraticis sceleribus.