China and Japan

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China and Japan Page 43

by Ezra F. Vogel


  Guangxi to fight in other parts of China, proved to have some of the most

  effective soldiers among the Nationalist forces, and they earned special

  praise for their contributions to the battles of Xuzhou and Taierzhuang.

  Japa nese Civilians in War time China

  Once war broke out in 1937, Japa nese civilians who remained in China

  during the war felt the enmity of the Chinese people, and in many locali-

  ties the Chinese carried out attacks on Japa nese residents. Some Japa nese

  companies sent employees and their families back to Japan. The Japa nese

  who remained in China turned to the Japa nese military for protection. Ex-

  cept in Taiwan and Manchuria, relations between the Japa nese and Chi-

  nese became tense and the cooperative and even friendly contacts between

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  The Sino- Japanese War, 1937–1945

  them in business, religion, education, and culture largely ended. Japa nese

  residents who felt unsafe in smaller communities moved to larger cities, to

  Harbin, Shenyang, Changchun, Tianjin, Qingdao, Beiping, Hankou, and

  especially Shanghai, where they sought protection in larger Japa nese

  communities.

  Shanghai had the largest Japa nese community in China, with about

  20,000 Japa nese residents at the outbreak of the war, mostly in the Inter-

  national Settlement. As Japa nese refugees from smaller towns began flowing

  into Shanghai, the Japa nese population increased to about 90,000. The

  Japa nese in Shanghai felt protected by their troops, and the Japa nese Resi-

  dence Association, described by Joshua Fogel, looked after their needs.

  However, relations with the local Chinese in Shanghai had been tense ever

  since the 1932 air raids and fighting.

  In smaller Japa nese communities, such as that in Tianjin, the Japa nese

  residents had been more integrated into the local community than they were

  in Shanghai, but when war broke out they became more separated from the

  Chinese living in the same city because they had their own military protec-

  tion and their own stores and other facilities. Just as the Chinese became

  more nationalistic and anti- Japanese in war time, so the Japa nese residents

  who remained in China worked more closely with fellow Japa nese residents

  and tended to become suspicious of the Chinese and insulated from the sur-

  rounding Chinese community.

  The Unoccupied Areas

  Japa nese troops, worn out after taking Wuhan and stretched thin across

  northern, central, and southeastern China, never penetrated into the south-

  west where the Nationalists were located, or into northern Shaanxi and

  other mountainous areas where the Communists were based. They also

  never penetrated the border areas (including Gansu, Suiyuan, Qinghai,

  Xinjiang, and Tibet) that were peripheral to the Sino- Japanese War and the

  Civil War that followed. The Japa nese did carry out massive air raids on

  Chongqing, where Chiang and the Nationalist government and army were

  located, as well as a few air raids on Yan’an, in Shaanxi province, where

  Communist headquarters was located, but they never sent troops to attack

  either the Communist or Nationalist base areas.

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  The Communists

  For Communists, resisting the hated Japa nese was far more popu lar than

  their earlier strug gle against Nationalist landlords and businessmen, and

  they made good use of the opportunity to publicize their patriotism. The

  core group in Yan’an were the 8,000 soldiers who had arrived in late 1935

  after the Long March, having escaped the Nationalist Army’s Fifth Encir-

  clement Campaign. There, in northern Shaanxi province, a very poor area,

  they lived simple lives but their movement thrived. An estimated 100,000

  newcomers arrived in Yan’an during the war. Some were refugees fleeing the

  Japa nese and others were young intellectuals moved by a desire to serve their

  country, attracted by the idealism of the Communists and disillusioned

  with the Nationalists. In Yan’an, with no immediate pressure from the out-

  side, the Communists had time to develop their under lying ideology, their

  organ ization, and their military, and to devise strategies for taking over the

  country. They expanded the Communist Party, regularized rules about

  membership, and carried out a rectification campaign to establish party

  unity and achieve a clear chain of command. They or ga nized the Anti-

  Japanese University, where they trained military and po liti cal officers. They

  also developed art and lit er a ture to use for propaganda among the broader

  Chinese public. In 1937 there were roughly 40,000 members of the Chi-

  nese Communist Party, but by the end of the war in 1945 there were 1.2 mil-

  lion. The Eighth Route Army, the Communists’ main force, had grown

  from 80,000 to more than 1 million, and its New Fourth Army had grown

  from 12,000 to 269,000.7

  The Communists made one major thrust to fight the Japanese— the

  Hundred Regiments Campaign, led by General Peng Dehuai, the com-

  mander of the Eighth Route Army. From August to December 1940, Peng

  Dehuai led more than 100 regiments in attacking Japa nese troops and de-

  stroying railway tracks and bridges in Hebei and Shanxi provinces. When

  the Japa nese realized the effectiveness of the Hundred Regiments Campaign

  and expanded their forces dedicated to fighting it, Peng Dehuai pulled back.

  The Communist forces suffered some losses, and leader Mao Zedong de-

  cided that from then on, large- scale Communist units would preserve their

  strength for fighting the Nationalists. The Communists did not engage in

  any more major attacks on Japa nese forces; instead they used their guer-

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  The Sino- Japanese War, 1937–1945

  rilla forces in vari ous places to harass the Japa nese and damage their

  facilities.

  After the Hundred Regiments Campaign, Peng Dehuai and other

  military leaders, including Liu Bocheng and Deng Xiaoping, moved east

  to the Taihang Mountains in eastern Shanxi province, where they formed

  another base in the border area between Hebei, Shanxi, Shandong, and

  Henan ( Jin- Ji- Lu- Yu). There they could get enough food in the fertile

  areas of Shanxi province and the troops lived in the mountains, making it

  difficult for the Japa nese to reach them. Yet they were close enough to Japa-

  nese troops that they could use their guerrilla forces to attack them and

  disrupt their railways.

  In addition to the Eighth Route Army in northern China, the Commu-

  nists had a large military presence, the New Fourth Army, in Central

  China, in Jiangsu and Anhui provinces, and there were smaller groups of

  guerrillas based in other areas. According to Communist publications, by

  the end of the war there were fifteen Communist bases located throughout

  the country, most of them relatively small and situated primarily in moun-

  tainous areas.

  As Lucian Bianco has shown, Chinese peasants on the eve of the fighting

  between the Communists and Nationalists did not have a class conscious-

  ness. They were concerned about taxes, rents, and the collection of special

/>   fees. Ever since Chiang Kai- shek established his Nanjing government, he

  had raised taxes to cover the cost of his government and army. In contrast,

  the Communists’ publicity stressed that they did not support a large bu-

  reaucracy, and that their armies were basically self- sufficient. They appealed

  to the peasants by forcing landlords to reduce their rents. The Communists

  also publicized their efforts to train their troops to treat peasants with re-

  spect, to pay for what they took, and to clean up the places where they stayed.

  The Nationalists in Sichuan and Yunnan Provinces

  When the Nationalists settled in Chongqing, which quickly became the

  largest city in Sichuan, they brought with them a large bureaucracy and a

  sizable military, which turned out to be a burden on the local economy. Large

  numbers of refugees followed. It has been estimated that the population of

  Chongqing at the end of the war was five times what it had been prior to

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  the war. Chiang had to collect substantial taxes to support his large bureau-

  cracy and his military forces, and the troops, like the other refugees who

  fled to Chongqing, had to rely on local people to supply their food and other

  goods. The local people found it hard to be welcoming to the outsiders

  because of the burdens they created. The incoming population also oc-

  cupied some areas formerly used for growing rice. With the massive

  number of refugees, Chongqing was chronically short of goods. The short-

  ages led to runaway inflation that all residents, already burdened by high

  taxes and overcrowding, found frightening. None of the mea sures de-

  signed to control inflation succeeded.

  The high tax burden on the local populace made it difficult to provide

  adequate salaries for the many officials and soldiers so that they could live

  comfortably. Many civil servants who tried to find ways to increase their

  income were accused of corruption. The Japa nese troops were far away, and

  it was difficult for those in Chongqing to feel that they were performing

  useful work. Those who had come from the cities in the east found the living

  conditions, with limited housing, inflation, a shortage of supplies, and swel-

  tering summertime heat, difficult to bear, and as a result, morale suffered.

  Some of the Chinese, along with the Americans in Chongqing, criticized

  Chiang’s authoritarian style and his readiness to torture and kill his oppo-

  nents. Westerners found Chiang’s American- educated wife, Soong Mei ling,

  charming, but many saw the taciturn, reserved generalissimo as lacking in

  moral as well as po liti cal leadership. Military commanders considered

  Chiang too detail oriented and excessively controlling. Yet no one ques-

  tioned his commitment to China’s future, and his diary shows that he was

  thoughtful and even self- critical in assessing his own judgments and his

  ability to solve the prob lems he faced.

  The territory ruled by the Nationalists extended beyond Chongqing to

  all of Sichuan and much of Yunnan. Refugees fled to vari ous places in these

  two provinces from all parts of China. Some industries were relocated to

  Yunnan as well Sichuan, making use of workers from Shanghai and else-

  where. Faculty and students escaping Peking University, Tsing hua Univer-

  sity, and Nankai University united to set up Southwest Associated Univer-

  sity (Xi’nan Lianda) in the Yunnan capital of Kunming.

  One of the most popu lar foreigners in Chongqing was Major General

  Claire Lee Chennault, who, after retiring from the U.S. Air Force in 1937,

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  The Sino- Japanese War, 1937–1945

  went to China to help train Chinese pi lots. He led the Flying Tigers, a vol-

  unteer squadron of American military pi lots, in attacking Japa nese planes,

  and he and Chiang Kai- shek hit it off well. To bring supplies to the Nation-

  alists from the outside, the British and the Chinese cooperated in building

  the Burma Road, which was completed to Kunming in 1938. In 1942, after

  the Japa nese succeeded in closing the road, the United States helped by

  flying in goods from India over “the hump,” the mountainous areas of

  Burma, to the Nationalist forces in Yunnan and Sichuan.

  In February 1942 President Franklin Roo se velt, considering how to help

  the Chinese war effort, sent a Chinese- speaking general, Joseph Stilwell, to

  work with Chiang Kai- shek. Within a week, Stilwell, known as “Vinegar

  Joe” for his sharp personal style, was publicly referring to Chiang as “peanut,”

  and Chiang reciprocated with disdain for Stilwell. They had a stormy rela-

  tionship that continued until October 1944, when Roo se velt fi nally recalled

  Stilwell at Chiang’s insistence. Stilwell tried to get Chiang to send his troops

  to fight Japan aggressively, but Chiang resisted. Under lying their personal

  bitterness were their diff er ent approaches to fighting the war. Chiang was

  worn down by two years of fighting the Japa nese without success and by

  the years in Chongqing. He requested that the Americans supply more

  goods and planes to assist China, and he expressed disappointment that the

  United States was doing so little to help him. Roo se velt, preoccupied with

  fighting the war in Eu rope as well as in the Pacific, did not consider the

  China theater his highest priority until the end of the war in Eu rope. Later,

  as the United States began producing more bombers, Roo se velt, to Chiang’s

  disappointment, placed a higher priority on directly bombing the Japa nese

  islands than on bombing Japa nese troops and facilities in China. For a brief

  time, at the Cairo Conference in November 1943, Chiang was elevated

  to the position of a partner, meeting with Roo se velt and Churchill, but

  Stilwell’s view of Chiang strengthened Roo se velt’s perception that Chiang

  was refusing to fight the Japa nese and saving his strength in case he later

  had to fight the Communists.

  The American officials and analysts sent to work with Chiang during

  World War II, including John Fairbank, Theodore White, and early postwar

  writers such as Barbara Tuchman, general y sided with Stilwell and had a low

  opinion of Chiang Kai- shek and the Nationalists in Chongqing, whom they

  saw as corrupt and de cadent. Later scholars, including Yang Tianshi, Jay

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  Taylor, and Hans van de Ven, while acknowledging the corruption and de-

  cadence in Chongqing, have a more sympathetic perspective, recognizing the

  difficulties Chiang confronted and his per sis tence in trying to deal with them.

  By 1944, some of the Americans assigned to Chongqing, disappointed

  with the discouraging scene there, expressed hope in the Chinese Commu-

  nist forces, though they allowed that they really knew very little about

  them. In 1937 the Chinese Communists had been a small band struggling

  to survive, while the Nationalists, after a de cade of bringing improvements

  to the country, were a large national party leading the government. But from

  1937 to 1944 the Communists had gained on their Nationalist rivals. Though

  they had limited military power, they had a message. They
were carry ing

  out guerrilla attacks on the Japa nese, they were living simply, and they ad-

  vocated reducing rents, all of which had considerable appeal to those in

  Yan’an and to patriotic youths in the occupied areas. They had a spirit of

  optimism that was lacking among the Nationalists. In 1944 the Japa nese

  launched a huge military campaign that tipped the scales even more in the

  direction of the Communists.

  The Ichigo Campaign

  By 1944, U.S. air and submarine attacks had put Japan on the defensive in

  the Pacific War. In response, Japan launched the Ichigo Campaign to wipe

  out U.S. air bases in China that could be used to launch bombing raids on

  Japan and to provide an unimpeded transport route for bringing supplies

  to Chongqing from India and Southeast Asia that could replace the sea

  route then controlled by U.S. submarines. The campaign lasted from

  April 1944 to January 1945. It was the largest campaign of the Sino- Japanese

  War, carried out on a scale comparable to the Normandy invasion in Eu-

  rope and the German invasion of the Soviet Union. Of the 820,000 Japa-

  nese troops then in China, some 510,000 took part in the campaign. They

  had at their disposal 100,000 horses and 240 planes. Chiang Kai- shek,

  under pressure from his own supporters and from the United States to do

  more to stop the Japa nese, mobilized more than one million men to respond

  to the Japa nese attacks. Japa nese troops in this campaign adopted a scorched-

  earth policy; as they moved southward, they destroyed granaries and

  farmland to weaken China’s capacity to resist.

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  The Sino- Japanese War, 1937–1945

  In Hengyang (Hunan province), in one of the largest battles of the war,

  even larger than the battles around Wuhan in 1938, Nationalist troops

  fought valiantly for three months. In the early stages of the Ichigo Cam-

  paign, the Chinese lacked good intelligence. Believing signs of Japa nese

  movements toward Hengyang were a feint, they initially failed to send ad-

  equate numbers of troops to the battle. General Stilwell’s view was that the

  Chinese soldiers fought bravely, but the officers were not well trained. Chiang

  Kai- shek would sometimes call on his commanders directly, giving orders

  that they could not disobey even if they thought that local conditions war-

 

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