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Saint Nelson Mandela’s ‘long road to freedom’ established a privatised economy, in place of the Afrikaner’s interventionist economy, and has set about selling off the state-owned corporations, the parastatals, as a legacy of apartheid.[87] In 1996 Mandela affirmed that ‘privatisation is the fundamental policy of the ANC and will remain so.’[88]
Since ‘liberation’ in 1994 over 3,000 White farmers have been killed.[89] The old ANC slogans are again popular: ‘One settler, one bullet!,’ ‘Kill the Boer, kill the farmer!,’ ‘Maak dood die wit man’ (Kill the White man).
In former Rhodesia, 4,000 farmers have been driven from their land.[90] However, it would be an error to think that the Blacks are the biggest benefactors of Robert Mugabe’s lunatic land policy. The biggest landowner in Zimbabwe is Nicholas Hoogstraten. Along with the late ‘Tiny’ Rowland of Lohnro Corporation, mentioned previously, they were the main patrons of rival terrorist leaders Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo respectively. Hoogstraten first purchased land in Rhodesia in 1963, where he met Rowland, and they agreed to each back the two terrorist leaders, but Hoogstraten, ‘like any canny businessman did a bit of betting on both sides.’[91]
At the time when Hoogstraten was serving a ten-year jail sentence for the alleged contract killing of a debtor (overturned on Appeal),[92] Claire Davies wrote that he is ‘one of Britain’s richest sons . . . best known as an unscrupulous landlord’:
In his property business, Hoogstraten was always clear that it was the buildings that concerned him not the people in them; he was well known for hounding out sitting tenants by whatever means possible. He once said: ‘Tenants are filth, by their very nature. What kind of person is a tenant? A person with no self-respect. I don’t look after tenants. Why should I look after tenants? One looks after the building, looks after one’s asset.’[93]
I suspect that this view on the common folk is widely held by the globalist oligarchy who, unlike feudal lords, or the old rural gentry, have no concept of noblesse oblige, no sense of honour or ethos beyond making money, and cannot see others as fellow Americans, Britons, French, et al., but only in terms of how one might be of use in the global economy. If Hoogstraten’s attitude seems reminiscent to that of a gangster then perhaps it is not surprising that in addition to the former suspicion for a contract killing, in 1968 he was jailed for contracting a gang to throw a grenade into the house of a rabbi whose son owed him £2,000. He was again jailed in 1972 on eight counts of handling stolen goods, and was given a further 15 months for bribing prison officers to smuggle him luxuries, commenting on his time: ‘I ran Wormwood Scrubs when I was in there.’[94]
Hoogstraten’s view of British tenants as ‘filth’ echoes his opinion on Zimbabwe farmers as ‘White trash.’[95] In 2006 Hoogstraten, indicative of his political clout in Zimbabwe, had a British TV crew from Channel 4 put under house arrest when he learnt they were to make a documentary critical of Mugabe, and retorted that ‘if they stepped out of line I would deal with them personally.’ A 2006 report stated that he had become ‘Mugabe’s most prominent friend in international business,’ after John Bredenkamp fled the country after having backed a losing Zanu-PF faction. ‘Mr van Hoogstraten, who has a vast ranch in central Zimbabwe which has not been seized by the president’s supporters, has spoken frequently of his friendship with Mr Mugabe, and said recently that he had lent him $10 million, although Mr Mugabe’s spokesman later denied it,’ according to a report in The Guardian.[96]
In 2005 Hoogstraten, following the same path as Big Money in other African ‘socialist’ states, became ‘the majority shareholder in Zimbabwe’s leading coal producing company . . . and has a controlling stake in the National Merchant Bank.’[97] He is now the second biggest shareholder in Hwange Colliery Company Limited, and has numerous other important investments.[98]
Such was the predictable ineptitude of Comrade Mugabe’s African socialist regime that, with inflation running at 20,000 per cent, the Zimbabwe Dollar (at one point printed as a denomination of Z$100 trillion, seized being legal currency and was replaced by foreign currencies in 2009. Once a food exporter, Zimbabwe, having driven the White farmers from their land, now has to import food and at a colossal debt.[99] Behind the mask of ‘Black Power’ stands ‘Money Power’ and the much heralded creation of Zimbabwe on the ruins of a prosperous, farm-based Rhodesia, continues to benefit global capitalism.
While conservatives feared the encroaching spectre of communism and the USSR over the Dark Continent, and hence the capture of the mineral resources and strategic positions, they were blind-sided. The ‘Soviet menace’ was a red-herring that allowed the Money Power to establish its hegemony over Africa on the pretext of ‘stopping communism,’ and in so doing eliminated the White settlers, often with bloody consequences that have not yet concluded.
[1] K. R. Bolton, Geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific (London: Black House Publishing, 2013).
[2] ‘U.S. Involvement in the Franco-Viet-Minh War 1950–1954,’ The Pentagon Papers (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971), vol. 1, ch. I, pp. 53–75, https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/pentagon/pent5.htm.
[3] Bernard Fall, Last Reflections on a War (1967).
[4] The Pentagon Papers, vol. 1, ch. I, ‘Background to the Crisis, 1940–50,’ pp. 1–52.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid.
[7] K. R. Bolton, Stalin: The Enduring Legacy (London: Black House Publishing, 2012), 125–39.
[8] The Pentagon Papers, ‘Background to the Crisis, 1940–50.’
[9] Ibid.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Yahia Zoubir, ‘U.S. and Soviet Policies Towards France’s Struggle with Anticolonial Nationalism in North Africa,’ Canadian Journal of History 30, no. 3 (December 1995).
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ibid.
[14] ‘The United States Attitude on the Colonial Question,’ Foreign Relations of the United States, vol. III: United Nations Affairs (Washington, D.C., 1979), p. 1078. Cited by Zoubir.
[15] Zoubir, op. cit.
[16] Congress of Berlin, http://courses.wcupa.edu/jones/his312/misc/berlin.htm.
[17] Thomas Jefferson, ‘Letter to William Short’ (3 January 1793), Thomas Jefferson Papers at the Library of Congress, Series 1, Reel 17, http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/592/.
[18] The philosophy of the 18th-century intelligentsia which claimed that ‘science’—generally their own drawing-room preconceptions of the world—would overthrow the ‘tyranny of religious superstition’ including the ‘divine Right of Kings,’ and establish a ‘Universal Republic’ of free peoples. These doctrines gave birth to the French Revolution and the American Revolution alike. The dogmas continue to dominate the Western world, and an increasing number of states that succumb to globalism.
[19] The basis of a nation and of citizenship, being a legalistic ‘social contract,’ typically in the form of a written constitution, between individuals, defining their rights. Hence, nations are not defined in cultural or ethnic, organic terms, but in terms of a contractual agreement among individuals in a certain space.
[20] ‘Roots’ imply a collective identity, such a kinship bond with one’s race, people, or culture.
[21] American-born poet, and a founder of modern English literature, who spent most of his life in Europe and particularly in Italy, where he supported the Fascist regime during World War II with his radio broadcasts. Pound’s foremost concern was to free culture from oligarchy, and towards this end he also avidly supported Social Credit economic theory. See K. R. Bolton, Artists of the Right (San Francisco: Counter-Currents Publishing, 2012), 97–119.
[22] ‘French “New Right” Philosopher Alain de Benoist on America,’ French Dissidents, 20 February 2012, http://frenchdissiden
ts.wordpress.com/2012/02/20/french-new-right-philosopher-alain-de-benoist-on-america-2/.
[23] Ibid.
[24] President George W. Bush to U.S. Congress, 16 January 1991.
[25] Woodrow Wilson, ‘Fourteen Points,’ 1918, http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/1918wilson.html.
[26] Oswald Spengler, The Hour of Decision (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1934), 209.
[27] The ‘intervention’ in Russia by American troops supposedly to help the White armies against the Bolsheviks is one of the great myths of history. See K. R. Bolton, Revolution from Above (London: Arktos Media, 2011), 66–97.
[28] Wilson, ‘Fourteen Points.’ This ‘general association of nations’ was a reference to Wilson’s plan for a League of Nations, precursor to the United Nations Organization. Ironically, the Senate voted against U.S. membership.
[29] Wilson, ‘Fourteen Points.’
[30] W. Cleon Skousen, The Naked Capitalist: A Review and Commentary on Dr Carroll Quigley’s Book Tragedy and Hope (Salt Lake City: the author, 1971).
[31] Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time (New York: Macmillan, 1966).
[32] After World War I, ‘The Inquiry’ became the Council on Foreign Relations, originating for the purposes of advising President Wilson on post-war foreign policy. See Bolton, Revolution from Above, 30–47.
[33] Thom Burnett and Alex Games, Who Really Runs the World? (London: Collins and Brown, 2005), 102.
[34] Peter Grose, Continuing The Inquiry: The Council on Foreign Relations from 1921 to 1996 (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 2006). The entire book can be read online at: Council on Foreign Relations: http://www.cfr.org/about/history/cfr/index.html.
[35] Burnett, Who Really Runs the World?, 106–7.
[36] Bolton, Revolution from Above, 24–25. Also, Bolton, Stalin: The Enduring Legacy.
[37] Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston S. Churchill, The Atlantic Charter, 14 August 1941, http://usinfo.org/docs/democracy/53.htm.
[38] Elliott Roosevelt, As He Saw It (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1946), 35.
[39] Ibid.
[40] For a description of Axis—Germany, Italy, Japan—economic policies, see Bolton, The Banking Swindle, 103–20.
[41] Cf. Bolton, Revolution from Above, 213–44.
[42] Roosevelt, As He Saw It, 31.
[43] C. Germani, ‘Moscow’s academic nightmare, University in decline: Patrice Lumumba University,’ The Baltimore Sun, 5 November 1995, http://articles.baltimoresun.com/1995-11-05/news/1995309007_1_patrice-lumumba-dream-school-moscow.
[44] Frederick Pedler, Main Currents of West African History, 1940–1978 (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1979), 96.
[45] Ibid., 267.
[46] Emphasis added.
[47] The Africa-America Institute, ‘About AAI,’ http://www.aaionline.org/about-aai/.
[48] http://www.aaionline.org/about-aai/history/1950s/.
[49] The Africa-America Institute, http://www.aaionline.org/programs/past-programs/the-guinea-scholarship-program-gsp-1960-%E2%80%93-1969/.
[50] The Africa-America Institute, http://www.aaionline.org/programs/past-programs/southern-african-student-program-sasp-1961-%E2%80%93-1983/.
[51] http://www.aaionline.org/programs/past-programs/southern-african-refugee-education-project-sarep-1976-%E2%80%93-1981/.
[52] http://www.aaionline.org/programs/past-programs/southern-african-refugee-education-project-sarep-1976-%E2%80%93-1981/.
[53] Ibid., 47.
[54] The reader should not be confused into thinking that because the Ford family does not run the Ford Foundation, that it is a body that has been infiltrated and controlled by Leftists, rather than functioning in the service of plutocracy. Ford and other such Foundations are run by directors and trustees affiliated with Big Business, often with Rockefeller connections. See Bolton, Revolution from Above, 27–30.
[55] AAI, ‘Board,’ http://www.aaionline.org/about-aai/board/.
[56] AAI, ‘Alumni Profiles,’ http://www.aaionline.org/alumni-network/alumni-profiles/.
[57] AAI, ‘Supporters,’ http://www.aaionline.org/support-aai/supporters/.
[58] Benson, The Struggle for Africa, 51–53.
[59] U.S. Department of State, ‘Congo Crisis,’ Foreign Relations, 1961–63, vol. XX, 13 January 1995.
[60] G. Edward Griffin, The Fearful Master: A Second Look at the United Nations (Boston: Western Islands, 1964), Part I, ‘Katanga,’ pp. 3–64.
[61] Benson, The Struggle for Africa, 49.
[62] Ibid., citing The Daily News (Durban), 6 April 1974.
[63] ‘Corporatism,’ not to be confused with financial corporations, was a new method of government based on traditional Catholic social doctrine, that gained widespread support as an alternative to both Marxism and capitalism after World War I. Corporatist states, which aimed to integrate both capital and labour above class divisions, into a unified nation, where political representation was based on guilds, syndicates, unions or ‘corporations,’ rather than by political parties, were inaugurated around the world from Brazil to Austria.
[64] http://www.rudn.ru/en/.
[65] Ben Whitaker, The Foundations: An Anatomy of Philanthropy and Society (London: Eyre Methuen, 1974), 24.
[66] F. A. Guimarães, The United State and Decolonisation of Angola, Lisbon, October 2003, http://www.ipri.pt/artigos/artigo.php?ida=5.
[67] Ibid.
[68] U.S. briefing memorandum on military assistance to Portugal, from the Country Director for Kenya, Tanzania, Seychelles, and Uganda (Feld) to the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs (Moore), Washington, October 28, 1968. Department of State, Central Files, DEF 19–8 US–PORT. Secret.
[69] Telegram from the U.S. Department of State to the Embassy in Portugal, Washington, April 16, 1964.
[70] Harriman was a U.S. Establishment luminary, serving in numerous ambassadorial roles, and as assistant and under secretary of state, chairman of the Business Council, member of the internationalist Club of Rome, and the Council on Foreign Relations, and an initiate of the powerful, crypto-Masonic, Yale-based secret society Lodge 322.
[71] Guimarães, op. cit.
[72] New York Times, 25 September 1975.
[73] State Department Circular 92, 16 July 1963.
[74] ‘Holden Roberto Dies at 84, Fought to Free Angola from Portuguese Rule,’ New York Times, 4 August 2007.
[75] http://www.aaionline.org/programs/past-programs/southern-african-refugee-education-project-sarep-1976-%E2%80%93-1981/.
[76] http://www.aaionline.org/programs/past-programs/southern-african-refugee-education-project-sarep-1976-%E2%80%93-1981/.
[77] http://www.aaionline.org/programs/past-programs/development-training-program-for-portuguese-speaking-africa-dtpsa-1975-%E2%80%93-1985/.
[78] Ivor Benson, The Struggle for Africa (Perth: Australian League of Rights, 1978), 54.
[79] Ivor Benson, This Worldwide Conspiracy (Melbourne: New Times, 1972), 73.
[80] Quoted by Benson, This Worldwide Conspiracy, 70–73.
[81] Marvine Howe, ‘Portuguese Find the Spirit of Salazar Still Dominant,’ The New York Times, 20 August 1972, 16.
[82] Quoted by Benson, This Worldwide Conspiracy, 69.
[83] K. R. Bolton, ‘Apartheid: Lest We Forget (Or Never Knew),’ Counter-Currents Publishing, http://www.
counter-currents.com/2011/09/apartheid-lest-we-forget-or-never-knew/.
[84] D. Pallister, S. Stewart, and I. Lepper, South Africa Inc.: The Oppenheimer Empire (London: Corgi Books, 1988), 98.
[85] Pallister et al., quoting Oppenheimer, ibid., 80.
[86] Cited by A. K. Chesterton, Candour, 22 July 1960.