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The Politics Book

Page 8

by DK Publishing


  In the criteria for a just war – rightful intention, authority of the sovereign, and just cause – we can see how these principles fit Aquinas’s more general ideas of political justice based on natural law, and the principle of reason rather than divine authority. As well as influencing much subsequent just-war theory, Aquinas’s notion of natural law was embraced by both theologians and experts on law. Over the centuries, the necessity of human law would become a key issue in the increasing conflict between Church and secular powers in Europe, as emerging nation-states asserted their independence from the papacy.

  The United Nations was established in 1945 after World War II with the intention of maintaining international peace and promoting principles that Aquinas would have called natural law.

  THOMAS AQUINAS

  The son of the Count of Aquino, Aquinas was born in Roccasecca, Italy, and was schooled in Monte Cassino and the University of Naples. Although expected to become a Benedictine monk, he joined the new Dominican order in 1244 and moved to Paris a year later. In about 1259, he taught in Naples, Orvieto, and the new school in Santa Sabina, and acted as a papal advisor in Rome.

  He was sent back to Paris in 1269, probably due to a dispute over the compatibility of Averroes’ and Aristotle’s philosophies with Christian doctrine. In 1272, he set up a new Dominican university in Naples. While there, he had a mystical experience that prompted him to say that all he had written seemed “like straw” to him. Aquinas was summoned as an advisor to the Council of Lyons in 1274, but fell ill and died after an accident on the way.

  Key works

  1254–56 Commentary on the Sentences

  c.1258–60 Summa Contra Gentiles

  1267–73 Summa Theologica

  See also: Aristotle • Cicero • Augustine of Hippo • Muhammad • Marsilius of Padua • Francisco Suárez • Michael Walzer

  IN CONTEXT

  IDEOLOGY

  Constitutionalism

  FOCUS

  The rule of law

  BEFORE

  c.350 BCE In his Politics, Aristotle says that Man is a political animal by nature.

  13th century Thomas Aquinas incorporates Aristotle’s ideas into Christian philosophy and political thinking.

  AFTER

  1328 Marsilius of Padua sides with King Louis IV and secular rule in his power struggle against Pope John XXII.

  c.1600 Francisco Suárez argues against the divine right of kings in Tractatus de legibus ac deo legislatore.

  1651 Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan describes life in a state of nature as “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short”, and advocates a social contract to protect all citizens in society.

  The teachings of the Greek philosopher Aristotle, long ignored in Europe, became accepted by the Church in the 13th century thanks largely to the work of the Dominican priest Thomas Aquinas and his protégé Giles of Rome. As well as writing important commentaries on Aristotle’s works, Giles developed his ideas further, in particular the notion of man as a “political animal” – “political” in the Aristotelian sense of living in a polis or civil community, rather than referring to a political regime.

  For Giles, being part of a civil society is “living politically”, and is essential to living a good life according to virtue. This is because civil communities are regulated by laws that ensure and safeguard the morality of their citizens. Giles suggests that good laws should enforce virtues, such as justice. Being a member of society – living politically – requires adherence to these laws; not abiding by them means living outside society. It follows that it is the rule of law that distinguishes “political” life from tyranny, as a tyrant excludes himself from civil society by not adhering to the law.

  Although Giles believed that a hereditary monarchy was the form of government best suited to rule a political society, as an archbishop his loyalties were divided between the Church and secular power. Eventually, he sided with the pope by declaring that kings ought to be subordinate to the Church.

  King Philip IV of France arranged a public burning of the Unam Sanctam. This document attempted to force the king into submission to the papacy – a principle that Giles agreed with.

  See also: Aristotle • Thomas Aquinas • Marsilius of Padua • Francisco Suárez • Thomas Hobbes

  IN CONTEXT

  IDEOLOGY

  Secularism

  FOCUS

  Role of the Church

  BEFORE

  c.350 BCE Aristotle’s Politics describes the role of the citizen in the administration and jurisdiction of the city-state.

  c.30 CE According to Catholic belief, St Peter becomes the first Bishop of Rome. Subsequent bishops are known as “popes”.

  800 Charlemagne is crowned Emperor of Rome, initiating the Holy Roman Empire.

  AFTER

  1328 Ludwig of Bavaria, newly crowned Holy Roman Emperor, deposes Pope John XXII.

  1517 German theologian Martin Luther criticizes the doctrines and rituals of the Catholic Church, prompting the beginning of the Protestant Reformation.

  As an academic rather than a member of the clergy, Marsilius of Padua was in a better position than theologians to state openly what many of them believed: that the Church, and the papacy in particular, should not have any political power.

  "No elective official who derives his authority from election alone requires any further confirmation or approval."

  Marsilius of Padua

  In his treatise Defensor Pacis (Defender of the Peace) – written in defence of the elected Holy Roman Emperor, Ludwig of Bavaria, in his power struggle with Pope John XXII – he argues convincingly that it is not the function of the Church to govern. He refutes the claim made by successive popes of a God-given “plenitude of power”, believing that it was destructive to the state.

  Using arguments from Aristotle’s Politics, Marsilius describes effective government as originating with the people, who have rights that include choosing a ruler and participating in the legislative process. Management of human affairs is best conducted by legislation, administered by the people, not imposed by divine law, which even the Bible does not sanction. Christ himself, he points out, denied the clergy any coercive power over people in this world, stressing their role as teachers. The Church should therefore follow the example of Jesus and his disciples and return political power to the state. This secular state can then better manage the specialist areas of government, such as law and order, and economic and military matters, under a ruler chosen by a majority of the people.

  See also: Aristotle • Augustine of Hippo • Giles of Rome • Niccolò Machiavelli

  IN CONTEXT

  IDEOLOGY

  Islam

  FOCUS

  Corruption of power

  BEFORE

  1027–256 BCE Historians in China during the Zhou dynasty describe the “Dynastic Cycle” of empires declining and being replaced.

  c.950 Al-Farabi draws on Plato and Aristotle for The Virtuous City, his notion of an ideal Islamic state and the shortcomings of governments.

  AFTER

  1776 In The Wealth of Nations, British economist Adam Smith explains the principles behind the division of labour.

  1974 US economist Arthur Laffer uses Ibn Khaldun’s ideas on taxation to produce the Laffer curve, which demonstrated the relationship between rates of taxation and government revenue.

  Described by British anthropologist Ernest Gellner as the best definition of government in the history of political theory, Ibn Khaldun’s assertion that “government prevents injustice, other than such as it commits itself” could be taken for a cynical modern comment on political institutions, or for the realism of Machiavelli. In fact, this definition lies at the heart of an innovative 14th-century analysis of the causes of political instability.

  Built on community

  Unlike many other political thinkers of his time, Ibn Khaldun took a historical, sociological, and economic standpoint to examine the rise and fall of political institutions. Like
Aristotle, he recognized that humans form social communities, which he ascribed to the Arabic concept of asabiyyah – which translates as “community spirit”, “group solidarity”, or simply “tribalism”. This social cohesion gives rise to the institution of the state, whose purpose is to protect the interests of its citizens and defend them against attack.

  "When a nation has become the victim of a psychological defeat, then that marks the end of a nation."

  Ibn Khaldun

  Whatever form this government may take, it contains the seeds of its own destruction. As it gains more power, it becomes less concerned with the wellbeing of its citizens, and begins to act more in its own self-interest, exploiting people and creating injustice and disunity. What had started as an institution to prevent injustice is now committing injustices itself. The asabiyyah of the community declines, so conditions are ripe for another government to emerge and take the place of the decadent regime. Civilizations rise and fall in this way, Ibn Khaldun argues, in a cycle of political dynasties.

  Corruption leads to decline

  Ibn Khaldun also points out the economic consequences of the existence of a powerful elite. At the beginning of a political society, taxes are only used to provide for necessities to maintain the asabiyyah, but as it becomes more civilized, the rulers impose higher taxes to maintain their own, increasingly opulent, lifestyle. Not only is this an injustice that threatens the unity of the state, but it is also counterproductive – overtaxing discourages production, and leads in the long run to lower, not higher, revenues. This idea was rediscovered in the 20th century by US economist Arthur Laffer. Ibn Khaldun’s theories on the division of labour and the labour theory of value also predate their “discovery” by mainstream economists.

  Although he believed that the continuous cycle of political change was inevitable, Ibn Khaldun saw some forms of government as better than others. For him, asabiyyah is best maintained under a single ruler, such as a caliph in an Islamic state (which has the added benefit of religion to give social cohesion). It is maintained least satisfactorily under a tyrant. Government, he felt, is a necessary evil, but as it implies an inherent injustice of control of men by other men, its power should be kept to a minimum.

  IBN KHALDUN

  Born in Tunis, Tunisia, in 1332, Ibn Khaldun was brought up in a politically active family and studied the Quran and Islamic law. He held official posts in the Maghreb region of North Africa, where he saw at first hand the political instability of many regimes. While working in Fez, he was imprisoned after a change of government, and after his release moved to Granada in southern Spain, where he led peace negotiations with the Castilian king Pedro the Cruel. He later returned to serve in several North African courts, but fled to the protection of a Berber tribe in the desert when his attempts at reform were rejected. In 1384, he settled in Cairo, where he completed his History. He made one final journey in 1401, to Damascus to negotiate peace between Egypt and the Mongol Khan Timur.

  Key works

  1377 Introduction to History

  1377–1406 History of the world

  1377–1406 Autobiography

  See also: Aristotle • Muhammad • Al-Farabi • Niccolò Machiavelli • Karl Marx

  IN CONTEXT

  IDEOLOGY

  Realism

  FOCUS

  Statecraft

  BEFORE

  4th century BCE Chanakya advises rulers to do whatever is necessary to achieve the wellbeing of the state.

  3rd century BCE Han Fei Tzu assumes it is human nature to seek personal gain and avoid punishment, and his Legalist government makes strict laws.

  51 BCE Roman politician Cicero advocates republican rule in De Republica.

  AFTER

  1651 Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan describes life in a state of nature as “nasty, brutish, and short”.

  1816–30 Carl von Clausewitz discusses the political aspects of warfare in On War.

  Written by probably the best known (and most often misunderstood) of all political theorists, Niccolò Machiavelli’s work gave rise to the term “Machiavellian”, which epitomizes the manipulative, deceitful, and generally self-serving politician who believes that “the end justifies the means”. However, this term fails to encapsulate the much broader, and innovative, political philosophy Machiavelli proposed in his treatise The Prince.

  Machiavelli lived in turbulent political times at the beginning of the period that would come to be known as the Renaissance. This was a turning point in European history, when the medieval concept of a Christian world ruled with divine guidance was replaced by the idea that humans could control their own destiny. As the power of the Church was being eroded by Renaissance humanism, prosperous Italian city-states, such as Machiavelli’s native Florence, had been established as republics, but were repeatedly threatened and taken over by rich and powerful families – such as the Medicis – seeking to extend their influence. Through his first-hand experience in public office for the Florentine Republic as a diplomat, and influenced by his study of classical Roman society and politics, Machiavelli developed an unconventional approach to the study of political theory.

  A realistic approach

  Rather than seeing society in terms of how it ought to be, Machiavelli tried to “go directly to the effectual truth of the thing rather than to the imagination of it”, meaning that he sought to get to the heart of the matter and treat politics not as a branch of moral philosophy or ethics, but rather in purely practical and realistic terms.

  Unlike previous political thinkers, he does not see the purpose of the state as nurturing the morality of its citizens, but rather as ensuring their wellbeing and security. Consequently, he replaces the concepts of right and wrong with notions such as usefulness, necessity, success, danger, and harm. By placing utility above morality, his ideas for the desirable qualities of a successful leader are based on effectiveness and prudence rather than any sort of ideology or moral rectitude.

  At the centre of his political philosophy is the Renaissance idea of viewing human society in human terms, completely separated from the religious ideals imposed by the Christian Church. To achieve this, his starting point is an analysis of human nature based on his observations of human behaviour throughout history, which brings him to the conclusion that the majority of people are by nature selfish, short-sighted, fickle, and easily deceived. His view is realistic, if somewhat cynical, and very different from those of previous political thinkers. While they might appear to be an obstacle to creating an efficient, stable society, Machiavelli argues that some of these human failings can in fact be useful in establishing a successful society, though this requires the correct leadership.

  An effective leader can harness the weaker traits of humanity in his people to great effect, in the same way that a sheepdog can manipulate a herd of sheep.

  Using human nature

  Man’s innate self-centredness, for example, is shown in his instinct for self-preservation. However, when threatened by aggression or a hostile environment, he reacts with acts of courage, hard work, and cooperation. Machiavelli draws a distinction between an original, fundamental human nature that has no virtues, and a socially acquired nature that acts in a virtuous manner and is beneficial to society. Other negative human traits can also be turned to the common good, such as the tendency to imitate rather than think as individuals. This, Machiavelli notes, leads people to follow a leader’s example and act cooperatively. Further, traits such as fickleness and credulity allow humans to be easily manipulated by a skilful leader to behave in a benevolent way. Qualities such as selfishness, manifested in the human desire for personal gain and ambition, can be a powerful driving force if channelled correctly, and are especially useful personal qualities in a ruler.

  The two key elements to transforming the undesirable, original human nature into a benevolent social nature are social organization and what Machiavelli describes as “prudent” leadership, by which he means leadership that is useful to the success
of the state.

  Advice for new rulers

  Machiavelli’s famous (and now infamous) treatise The Prince was written in the style of the practical guides for leaders known as “Mirrors of Princes”, which were common in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. It is addressed to a new ruler – and is dedicated to a member of the powerful Medici family – with advice on how basic human nature can be engineered and manipulated for the good of the state. Later interpretations, however, hint that Machiavelli was using the genre somewhat cleverly, by exposing to a wider audience the secrets already known to the ruling classes. Having explained man’s essentially self-centred but malleable nature, he then turns his attention to the qualities that are necessary for a ruler to govern prudently.

  "A prince never lacks legitimate reasons to break his promise."

  Niccolò Machiavelli

  Sandro Botticelli’s Adoration of the Magi, painted in 1475, includes representations of the powerful Medici family, who ruled Florence at the time Machiavelli wrote The Prince.

 

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