Girl in Black and White

by Jessie Morgan-Owens

  6

  Elizabeth Williams

  Prince William County, 1852

  While Henry Williams stood in John Andrew’s office negotiating his future freedom, back in Virginia, his brother-in-law Ludwell stood outside the Brentsville courthouse with another year’s labor ahead of him. Inside, J. C. Weedon was renewing an annual hire for “Lundy.”

  We bind ourselves our heirs, executors, administrators jointly and severally to pay or cause to be paid to J. C. Weedon administrator of Thomas Nelson dec’d his heirs or assigns the full and just sum of Fifty Dollars on or before the 1st day of January 1853 for the hire of the slave Lundy [Ludwell] for the present year 1852 and to furnish said Slave with two pair of summer pantaloons two shirts a twilled yarn fustian coat pantaloon and vest, shoes and socks, hat and blanket and not to employ him in fishing shore or long boats nor on any public works nor underhire him to be so employed and return him on the 1st day of January 1853.

  Given under our hands and seals this 1st day of January 1852

  J. C. Goods

  P. D. Lipscomb

  —J. C. Weedon and P. D. Lipscomb, slave contract, January 1, 18521

  Hiring out Prue’s children was the only way Weedon could make money off of them until Cornwell v. Weedon was decided. At $50 a year, Ludwell’s labor, from 1846 through 1853, would have brought in $350, far more than the cost of providing him with food and pantaloons. This document’s provision that he not be seen on the shore or in public works suggests that Weedon took seriously the possibility that Ludwell might find ways to escape or communicate with his brothers.

  Ludwell was hired by Phillip D. Lipscomb, the Prince William County clerk, which put him in tantalizing proximity to the very documents that tracked and adjudicated who owned him, and whether John Cornwell should be able to free him. Ludwell, like his brothers and sisters, could read, though he had to do so without being noticed. While at the courthouse, he had opportunity to access information vital to his family and the progress of their suit. It was a small building, with a jail adjacent, where the family might have been held. If he had been in prior service to Lipscomb, he might well have heard depositions hosted there.

  The day this bond of service was signed, January 1, 1852, was also the last day that counsel for Cornwell v. Weedon could submit new evidence. Thereafter the case would be moved to the Circuit Court of Spotsylvania County at Fredericksburg, to be heard on appeal, on May 29, 1852.

  ◆

  In August 1852, Andrew asked Sumner to gather information about the progress of Cornwell v. Weedon, since it concerned the family of Henry Williams.2

  My dear Sumner,

  I wish to obtain your friendly aid, a little further, in behalf of Seth Botts, the col’d man, for whose deed of manumission I negotiated through you, some months ago.—

  Seth’s wife’s mother—Prue Bell—was the slave of a Mrs. Constance Cornwell of Prince William Co. Va. Mrs C. died, leaving a will—years ago, Prue then had two children. Since then—four more. One of these children is Seth’s wife—who is nearly white.—and Seth and wife have three children of their own (grand-children of Prue).

  The will of Mrs. Cornwell made some provision for the ultimate, or contingent emancipation of Prue;—but what, and on which, I don’t know;—Prue and some, or all of her children—& grandchildren came, some born, into the hands of a Capt. Nelson of Prince William, who is now dead. By him, & his administration, they have been held as slaves. But, a suit has been brought by one of the Cornwell family, which was decided, at Fredericksburg, and very favorably to Cornwell; but now, which decision, perhaps, an appeal may have been taken to the Court of Appeals.—Seth says that Cornwell sued for the purpose of [word illegible] the rights of Prue and her descendants under the will of his mother Constance Cornwell; and that if he is successful, they will set free.

  He says that Cornwell’s counsel is “Judge O’Neill” of Alexandria, who is a judge of the Orphan’s court.—As the information of Seth is imperfect and indistinct, I wrote lately to the Judge asking him to inform me all about the case—in order that Seth might know what the position and prospects of his family are; and with a mind, also, to learn what, if anything, can be done for them, by raising money to compromise claims, or buy off claimants, could be done for them.—As I don’t know his Christian name and I am not sure of the correct spelling of his surname, perhaps my letter may never have reached him. If anything is to be done—or can be done—Seth wishes to begin now; & to understand the case as fully as may be. To this end, to secure information, I wish you would find out for me—who this Judge O Neill is—his full name & etc.—&, with the thought that perhaps you might get an opportunity to see him, I have written you these facts, so that you might converse with him, and learn the state of matters for our benefit. Will you please, at any rate, find out the address of that gentleman and write me?

  Seth says that the Plaintiff Cornwell is in the employ of Muncaster & Dodge Hardware dealer, in Georgetown . . .

  —John A. Andrew to Charles Sumner, August 3, 18523

  While the case was in appeal, Andrew had “tried to get the litigating parties to agree to allow a sum of money to be placed at stake, allowing the wife and children to depart.” Andrew approached Weedon with $800 to redeem Elizabeth, Oscar, Mary, and Adelaide Rebecca. Elizabeth’s purchase price would be fixed at her value at twenty-six, her age when the case began. In exchange, Weedon would let them go immediately and forgo their labor or future wages if hired out. Weedon at first consented, then changed his mind, “in view of the rising price of slave property, and of the increasing value of these children, to whom time was adding only strength, beauty, and intellect.”That is, he reversed his position because Oscar, Mary, and Adelaide might one day make him a tidy profit.4

  Andrew then turned to John Cornwell and his lawyer Christopher Neale with another deal. Should the case be decided in John’s favor, Andrew urged him to pledge that the price of Elizabeth and the children’s redemption would be $800, regardless of their assessed value at that time. Neale and Cornwell would promise to free the family for that amount as soon as the case was decided.5 Constance Cornwell’s will guaranteed that if John had tried to sell them, they would be free. But no impediment appeared to exist that would keep John from making money in the act of securing their freedom. The deal was made.

  Cornwell v. Weedon was heard in the circuit court, then in the Virginia Supreme Court. In October 1854, the supreme court found Prue to belong without condition to John Cornwell.

  But in January 1855, despite the supreme court’s ruling, the family still had not come out of slavery. What obstacles were keeping Prue and her family in Prince William County? Andrew asked Charles Ingersoll, a young Boston lawyer visiting Washington, to pay a call on Judge Christopher Neale at his home at the corner of King and Washington Streets in Alexandria, Virginia.

  Neale, a former mayor of Alexandria, was a well-respected man of considerable social pull. He was a federally appointed judge, serving the orphan’s court for the city since Daniel Webster appointed him in 1826. In 1855, Neale was the richest man in Alexandria.

  Given his wealth and social standing in a slave society, Neale’s sympathy to a slave’s plight is surprising. According to their correspondence, Sumner and Andrew did not know how to take the measure of this man, this Southern judge who donated his time to a slave’s cause. Neale’s name appears as a witness on several manumission documents; I have found four, from as early as 1828. Was he an antislavery activist or a judicious bystander? How had he come to be John Cornwell’s counsel? It was providential for Prue and her family that John Cornwell found such an influential and, as it turned out, persistent attorney.

  In their conversation, Judge Neale must have reassured Ingersoll that John had no interest in keeping Elizabeth and her children in slavery. Ingersoll reported back to Andrew that Neale planned to go down to Prince William County himself the following Friday, January 19, 1855, and bring Elizabeth and the children back with him.
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  True to his word, the following weekend Neale traveled to Brentsville. Weedon was expecting him and let the entire family go without a fuss. Prue, her children, and her grandchildren were now redeemed, but they were not yet free. Only John Cornwell could manumit them.

  They took the steamboat up Potomac Creek to Alexandria, to meet with Cornwell in Neale’s office. Five days passed before Cornwell could get there, arriving on January 24. He signed the deeds of manumission for Elizabeth, “a very bright Mulatto, and rather above the middle height,” and her children: “Oscar, about ten—very [likely] Boy—Mary Mildred, about seven—very fair—and [Adelaide] Rebecca . . . light mulatto, about six years of age.” All were now free.

  On January 22, Andrew forwarded three valuable documents to speed their way: a bank draft in the amount of $800, from the Tremont Bank of Boston on the Chemical Bank of Washington; $25 in banknotes from the account of Henry Williams; and a description of Elizabeth, her children, and her friends.

  Charles Ingersoll, who went from here some 10 days ago, called for me on Judge Neale, of Alexandria last week, in regard to the wife and three children of my client, Seth Botts, and he wrote to me that Mr Neale then intended going down to Prince William County Friday last, in the expectation of bringing wife Elizabeth and the children with him. I have been at a loss to understand—how the delay has been caused, in bringing this matter to its conclusion. The decree in favor of Judge Neale’s client was rendered, I think, two months ago. And, perhaps, there maybe some more delay, still. But, in order not to be at all behind my own duty, I have enclosed a draft for $800 payable to your order, which is the sum to be paid to Mr. Neale, for Elizabeth and her three children, on receiving duly executed free papers from John Cornwell of Georgetown, the client of Mr Neale, and receiving delivery of the people. I sent it, on the supposition that he will apprise you, as soon as he is ready to deliver these people their papers . . .

  If Elizabeth wishes to come on immediately, I presume that among her friends in Washington, she can find the means of making all useful arrangements; but, if she wishes to stop there with some of her friends, until Seth can come for her, she may do so, and he will start, on my being telegraphed that she is waiting for him.

  As there is some legal restriction—such as requiring bonds, or the like—which prevent the free movement of colored people from the District of Columbia, I must stipulate that Judge Neale, or his client, shall make that all right and remove all such impediments.

  Whatever expenses may be incident to the carrying of the four persons from their residence hitherto up to Washington, or will on the expenses of their journey from W. to Boston, I am to provide for; and Seth has the money ready. I have put $25, in this letter for store on the expenses. And you will please notify me of any deficiency, which can be made good at once. In fact, if as I suppose, Elizabeth will want Seth to go on to Washington for her, he will arrive with means enough to cover all reasonable contingencies.

  In case you have not heard from Judge Neale—(his address is Hon. Christopher Neale, Alexandria)—before receiving this, will you be kind enough to drop him a line notifying him that his funds are awaiting his movement, in your hands?—

  Please advise me of the receipt herein, and its contents, and pardon me, for the sake of the cause, for all the trouble I am giving you, and believe me, as ever,

  Faithfully yours, J A Andrew 4 Court Square

  1. Elizabeth Botts (wife of Seth)—abt 30 yrs old,

  light-complexion + straight hair—wd pass for White.

  2. Oscar—oldest child (boy)—about 10 yrs old

  3. Mary Millburn [sic]—about 7 yrs

  4. Adelaide Rebecca—about 6 yrs.

  The boy is abt Seth’s own complexion—but, the two girls are lighter, especially, the older of the two.

  Persons who can identify the above are

  • Mrs. Caroline Wood—cook at the President’s house.

  • Jack Moore—[barrister] formerly a slave of, and emancipated by Euphemia Daniel of Stafford Co. Va.—

  • Adelaide Paine -1/2 sister of Seth Botts -

  • Milly Mason—living at service.

  •Henry Williams—a hotel waiter -

  all of whom live in Washington can identify Seth’s wife and children, and She will know how to find some or all of them

  —John A. Andrew to Charles Sumner, January 22, 18556

  Elizabeth and her children’s free papers had been dated and signed on Wednesday, but by Saturday the family had not yet arrived in Washington. Instead of their looked-for arrival, a letter from Judge Neale was hand-delivered by a “Major Thomas” to Sumner on Saturday, January 27. Neale requested an additional $47.25 to cover the expenses incurred “in recovering and bringing the Slaves to the City.” Perhaps Neale was the wealthiest man in Alexandria because he did not leave a penny unaccounted for. This sum was equivalent to $1,200 today. Elizabeth could not cover these expenses, not on the first day that she legally became able to incur them.

  Andrew wrote Sumner, two days after sending $825, that more money was forthcoming.

  My dear Sumner,

  I wrote to you by 3’o’clock mail yesterday, covering a draft of the Tremont Bank of B. on the Chemical Bk of DC for $800, and also $25, in bank notes, to be used for afc. of Seth Botts.

  Today I have just rec’d a letter from Judge Neale—(which I here send you, and which please return to me again)—by which it appears that more money will be needed, i.e. $847.25 in all to be pd to Judge Neale; which must be added expenses of board & etc. in Washington and cost of a ticket through to Boston. In order that you have funds enough I have just got from Adams & Co. a letter of credit to the amount of $75, on their agent in Washington, so that he will advance you with that amt, whether more may be needed, than I sent you 800 toward the afc. to me. This will make the whole amount placed with you = $900. If it is not enough [I will] cover for the bal. at sight.

  I presume you will have heard from Judge Neale before receiving this. If not, please communicate with him and have the woman and children sent forward as soon as possible, Seth is very anxious to see them safely here. On account of the absence from him of his employer, Mr. Young, who wished him not to leave during his absence, Seth will adopt Elizabeth’s suggestion that she can come on alone, and will await her arrival here; but would like to be informed through me, of the time of her probable arrival.

  My purpose in writing to you yesterday about the means of identifying the family in question was simply, as a measure of extreme caution, to put you in the way of making sure that no wrong persons were put off upon us. But I do not in it slightest [ . . . ] doubt that Judge Neale is all right. He probably never saw the people before he went for them to Prince William last week . . .

  —John Andrew to Charles Sumner, January 24, 18557

  Andrew urges Sumner to trust Neale, but just in case, he has provided references—to certify that these people are the family that Henry Williams is anxiously waiting for.

  Neale wrote Sumner, “Whenever you are ready,” by which he meant that when he had received this additional sum of $47.25, “I will go up to Washington, and deliver you the colored people, according to contract, for their freedom.” At that time “all necessary papers, duly authenticated, will be delivered you.” His messenger waited on Sumner for a reply.8

  The remaining expenses were collected from Sumner in the antechamber of the Senate, and he received, in exchange, the manumission papers for Elizabeth, Oscar, Mary, and Adelaide, duly signed. Though the manumission documents show a nominal amount of $1, they were accompanied by a bank draft for $800 made out to John Cornwell, in exchange for his signature, and $47.25 for Judge Neale’s expenses. Andrew chose to think of this money more as the price “for the expenses of a suit for freedom than as the price of slaves.” Besides, he added, “I am too thankful for the result to think of the money.”

  Once Elizabeth, Oscar, Mary, and Adelaide crossed the Potomac River as free people that January, Virginia law forba
de their return. They left behind family, uncertain as to whether they would ever see them again. But a tantalizing offer was included in the packet: freedom papers drawn up for Evelina and Prue, left unsigned. John’s signature would cost another two hundred dollars.

  Sometime before the end of the case, traces of Elizabeth’s youngest sister, Catherine Nelson, disappear. There is no mention of funds required for her manumission. Possibly Weedon followed through on his threat to sell her downriver to New Orleans, though surely that would have made it into the legal papers. Some accident or illness might have befallen her. The last mention of her name was in the family’s 1850 appraisals, when around the age of fifteen, she was valued at five hundred dollars by Caty and John Appleby.

  7

  Evelina Bell

  Washington, February 1855

  Charles Sumner saved everything. He instructed his secretaries to paste not only such scraps of life as train tickets and calling cards but also 18,500 pieces of incoming correspondence into scrapbooks, in chronological order. Unlike many nineteenth-century letters— cross-written to cram a week’s worth of news onto one folio—his letters show that he sprawled his hand across pages and left wide margins. Sumner dashed off dozens of letters a day, but unfortunately, he kept careless records of his outgoing correspondence.1

  It had taken nearly two weeks of a three-way correspondence between Sumner in Washington, Andrew in Boston, and Neale in Alexandria, on the Williams family’s behalf, to obtain Evelina and Prue’s freedom.2 These letters, which often crossed each other, had the air of settling in for a lengthy negotiation.

  Neale opened his first letter with a price. “In meeting with my client John Cornwell last week, to secure these papers, the matter arose as to what he intends for the other members of Elizabeth’s family and her mother, Prue. With respect to Evelina, her fair quota, or proportion, would be $400 for her, and her mother, but I succeeded in reducing the amount to $200.”3 Sumner and Andrew had already corresponded. Andrew felt that John Cornwell made “so honorable and excellent an offer that it must not be suffered to slip.” Though Andrew had overdrawn subscriptions for the Williams family, “it being the beginning of a new year,” Andrew felt he would be able to advance the $200 himself.4