On Ethics and History

by Zhang Xuecheng

  60 Doctrine of the Mean, chapter 28. The thought is that if you put forward a new idea but do not put it into practice to afford the people opportunities to observe it in action, they will not have confidence in you or take your proposal seriously. The Doctrine of the Mean insists that to make innovations in tradition, one must be a ruler, someone with the proper position and authority to implement such proposals, and one must have “Virtue,” the wisdom and charisma needed to realize one’s aim. If one lacks either qualification, one must do no more than carry on established traditions. From these ideas, Zhang draws the inference, basic to much of his philosophy, that a writer may not even propose new ways of doing things unless he has the right sort of “position.” To do so would be to use “empty words,” unfounded, speculative claims, to put forth one’s ideas, without any concrete and visible facts to illustrate them. See also note 26.

  61 This is particularly clear in the chapter describing the history of civilization. See note 20.

  62 The reference to the Minister of Education is from the “Canon of Shun” section of the Book of History. For the text and a translation, see James Legge, tr., The Chinese Classics, Vol. 3, The Shoo King, reprint (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1970), 44; for the Master of Music, see pp. 47—48.

  63 This claim is supported by a passage from the “Regulations of a King” (Wangzhi ) chapter of the Book of Rites (Liji ). For a translation, see James Legge, The Li Ki: Book of Rites, Vol. 1, reprint (New Hyde Park, NY: University Books, 1967), 230—44.

  64 Zhang names three education officials: the Perfector (sicheng ), Master (shi ), and Guardian (bao ), which he identifies with the terms taishi , taifu , and taibao mentioned in the “Offices of the Zhou” (Zhouguan ) chapter of the Book of History. See Legge, Shoo King, 526—27.

  65 The Great Learning, 1.4—5. For the text and a complete translation, see James Legge, tr., Confucian Analects, The Great Learning The Doctrine of the Mean, The Chinese Classics, Vol. 1, reprint (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1970), 357—58.

  66 Fu Xi’s invention of the eight trigrams as well as a general description of his early, proto-civilized age can be found in the Great Appendix. For the text and a complete translation, see Z. D. Sung, tr., The Text of the Yi King, reprint (Taibei: Wenhua Tushu gongsi, 1971), 309—13.

  67 From “The Counsels of the Great Yü” section of the Book of History. See Legge, Shoo King, p. 66. Compare Mengzi 5A1.

  68 Such as was the case in Kongzi’s age. See Analects 5.7, 14.36, and 18.7.

  69 The Great Appendix 1.12. Zhang uses “actual things and affairs” to refer to the various phenomena of the physical world. These are manifestations of the dao—not the dao itself.

  70 The “facts” Zhang appeals to here and in the following remarks are set down in various passages in the Rites of the Zhou and in the essay on bibliography, originally by the Han court librarian Liu Xin (c. 53 B.C.E.—23 C.E.), in chapter 30 of the History of the Han Dynasty (Hanshu Zhang’s point is that the basic classical texts were all official documents and are to be read as materials showing what the dao of antiquity is rather than as books containing statements about the dao. This is what Zhang means by referring to them as “actual things and affairs.”

  71 The term “actual embodiment” (qi ) refers to the Great Appendix 1.12. Zhang is unpacking the distinction between what’s above and below form.

  72 A quote attributed to Kongzi but not part of the present text of the Analects. See chapter 130 of the Records of the Grand Historian.

  73 See chapter 6 of the Records of the Grand Historian.

  74 The “it” that these people see and use is of course the dao. The quote is from the Great Appendix 1.5. This phrase also occurs in section 3 of Yuandao and the idea may be found in a number of Zhang’s essays. His central claim is that in ancient society, the dao was embodied in actual things, publicly performed actions, shared customs, etc. It was evident and open to anyone’s observation and not a result of secluded or private speculation. Under these conditions, it was a simple matter for all to have the same understanding of the dao and so there were no “contending schools of thought”

  75 Compare the related but distinct idea found in chapter 2 of the Zhuangzi, “By what is the Way hidden that we have right and wrong?” Compare the opening line of Section Two above.

  76 By “yin and yang” Zhang means both changing historical conditions and trends (see Section One) and the contrary directions that individual tastes or interests may take (see Section Three).

  77 Li Lou is the paragon of sharp-sightedness, and Music Master Kuang the paragon of keen hearing.

  78 Zhang’s use of the term “Six Classical disciplines” (liuyi ) is unusual. It normally refers to the six arts of ceremony, music, archery, charioteering, literature, and mathematics. However, for Zhang, the Six Classical disciplines are traditional areas of learning associated with the six ancient classics: the Book of History, Book of Odes, Book of Music, Book of Rites, Book of Changes, and the Spring and Autumn Annals. Following Liu Xin, Zhang believed that these different areas of learning were originally associated with different bureaucratic offices. See note 70.

  79 The reference is to the discussion of different schools of philosophy in the final chapter of the Zhuangzi. Zhuangzi compares the various schools to the different organs of sense, each capable of perceiving only one aspect of reality and incapable of appreciating the others. For a translation, see Watson, Complete Works 364.

  80 See chapter 130 of the Records of the Grand Historian.

  81 Liu Xiang (77—6 B.C.E.) was the father of Liu Xin. Father and son were jointly responsible for organizing the Han imperial library and writing the first known Chinese bibliographical work. See note 70.

  82 The idea is, first, that no fixed concept is adequate for the dao and, second, that the truth is not the property of any one tradition. It is therefore not only wrong but also senseless to speak of “the dao of Kongzi” or “the dao of Mozi.” The Chinese word used here is ming which means both “name” and “concept.” Compare chapter 1 of the Daodejing.

  83 Xuzi also known as Xu Xing . He is known for the view that a ruler exploits his subjects unless he works alongside them to provide for his own subsistence. His position is discussed and criticized by Mengzi. See Mengzi 3A4.

  84 The opening lines of Han Yu’s essay “On the Dao.” “Open concepts” (literally: “empty positions”) are terms whose meaning-content is not a fixed or essential part of the terms themselves. In the case of such concepts, the meaning is filled in differently by each thinker or school. For an English translation of this essay, see the Appendix to this volume.

  85 Three Han-dynasty followers of Tian Wangsun’s lineage of the Book of Changes. Each went on to found his own “school” of interpretation. The three are Shi Chou , Meng Xi , and Liangqiu He .

  86 Four Han-dynasty lineages of the Book of Odes. Shen Pei advocated the so-called Lushi text, which like the next version takes its name from the native state of its main proponent. Yuan Gu followed a text known as the Qishi . Han Ying propagated the Hanshi , which, like the final version, takes its name from the surname of its main advocate. The Maoshi text came from Mao Heng (a student of Xunzi) and his son Mao Chang . One of the main works associated with the Hanshi lineage survives, the Exoteric Commentary on the Hanshi (Hanshi waizhuan ). The Maoshi version of the text as well as two works of exegesis associated with this version of the Book of Odes, the Commentary on the Maoshi (Maoshi zhuan ) and the Preface to the Maoshi (Maoshi xu ), still are extant. The Mao version of the text serves as the standard today.

  87 An interesting idea though not entirely true. The conflict between early Confucians and Mohists is the first known dispute concerning what the dao is, but there have always been “internal conflicts” among Confucians as well. One of the clearest examples of the latter is the disagreement between Mengzi and Xunzi, but texts such as the Mozi, Zhuangzi, and Han Feizi note different factions within the broad category of “Eru
dites” or “Confucians” (ru ).

  88 The Great Appendix 2.2.

  89 Analects 17.17.

  90 Mengzi 3B9.

  91 See the Introduction, note 47. Compare Han Yu’s reference to this idea in his “Letter in Reply to Li Yi,” which can be found in the Appendix to this volume.

  92 See note 11.

  93 The Great Appendix 1.11.

  94 The Great Appendix 1.5.

  95 Author of the Records of the Grand Historian; see the Introduction, note 22.

  96 Bangu (32-92 C.E.) wrote the History of the Han Dynasty. For a selective translation and study, see Homer H. Dubs, tr., History of the Former Han Dynasty (Baltimore, MD: Waverly Press, 1938-55).

  97 For Dong Zhongshu, see note 2.

  98 Quoting Han Yu. See the prefatory remarks to the notes on Section One.

  99 The view being criticized here is characteristic of thinkers like Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi. Compare notes 114 and 116. The idea that “literature is a way to make the dao clear” was first expressed by Liu Zongyuan. Liu and Han are two of the “Eight Great Prose Masters of the Tang-Song Period.” The remaining six are Ouyang Xiu (1007-72), Su Xun (1009-66), Su Shi (1036-1101), Su Che (1039-1112), Wang Anshi (1021-86), and Zeng Going (1019-83). For more on Liu’s life, see Chen Jo-shui, Liu Tsung-yuan and Intellectual Change in T’ang China, 773-819 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). The quote is from a famous letter Liu wrote around 813 entitled “Reply to Wei Zhongli Discussing the Way of the Teacher” (Da Wei Zhongli lun shi dao shu ). For a translation of more of the letter, see Chen, p. 128.

  100 Analects 15.5.

  101 See chapter 8 of the Sayings of the Kong Family (Kongzi Jiayu ).

  102 The Book of Odes, Mao no. 242. For text and translation, see James Legge, tr., The Chinese Classics, Vol. 4, The She King, reprint (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1970), 456-67.

  103 See chapter 47 of the Records of the Grand Historian.

  104 Analects 11.25.

  105 Analects 5.13. For a study of this passage, which includes an analysis of Zhang’s interpretation, see my “Whose Confucius? Which Analects?”

  106 Doctrine of the Mean, chapter 28. Compare Analects 3.9.

  107 Zhang here draws upon Zhu Xi’s commentary on Analects 4.15. See Collected Commentaries on the Four Books. He even quotes Zhu Xi in his description of Zengzi as one who “truly exerted effort for a long time.” Zhu in turn was quoting from chapter 1 of the Xunzi.

  108 Analects 4.15.

  109 Zhang here follows Zhu Xi’s commentary on Analects 15.3. See Collected Commentaries on the Four Books. Zhang seems to accept Zhu Xi’s opinion that this instance of the “one thread” formula concerns knowledge while the earlier occurrence in 4.15 concerns action.

  110 Analects 15.3.

  111 Zhang is again referring to the opening lines of Han Yu’s “On the Dao,” where dao and de are described as “open concepts.” See note 84.

  112 In the Han dynasty, philology had been the dominant scholarly fashion. This was followed, though not immediately, by the Tang dynasty, an age in which literary tendencies waxed excessive. The Tang in turn was replaced by the Song, a period in which speculative philosophy took center stage. With the end of the Ming and the rise of the Qing dynasty, philology again reasserted itself as the dominant tendency. According to Zhang, ever since the breaking up of the ideal society of the Zhou, this cycle of scholarly fashion has endlessly repeated itself.

  113 See, for example, Analects 6.27, 12.15, etc.

  114 A remark attributed to Cheng Hao. See chapter 3 of The Extant Works of the Cheng (Brothers) from Henan (Henan Chengshi yishu ). Cheng Hao in turn was quoting the Book of History. See Legge, Shoo King, p. 348. Cheng Hao’s younger brother, Cheng Yi, also made use of this line to make a similar point. See note 116.

  115 Analects 8.4.

  116 A close paraphrase of Cheng Yi (1032-85). See chapter 18 of The Extant Works of the Cheng (Brothers) from Henan.

  117 Mengzi 6A6.

  118 Zhu Xi’s teachings, together with those of Cheng Yi (see notes 26 and 51), became known as the “Cheng-Zhu School” and represented the orthodox wing of neo-Confucianism. Lu Jiuyuan (1139-93) was a contemporary opponent of Zhu Xi who advocated a less intellectual and more intuitive approach to moral self cultivation. His views were later associated with those of the Ming-dynasty thinker Wang Yangming, and together they became known as the “Lu-Wang School.”

  119 From chapter 33 of the Zhuangzi. For a complete translation, see Watson, Complete Works 364.

  Notes to Essay 2

  1 The Great Appendix 1.5. Qian and Kun are the first two hexagrams in the Book of Changes, representing Heaven and earth, respectively.

  2 Analects 14.35.

  3 Zhang’s view summarizes ideas that can be found in the Great Appendix 1.2.

  4 Quoting chapter 10 of Zhou Dunyi’s (1017-73) Comprehending the Book of Changes (Tongshu ). Zhang, though, reverses the order of the original lines.

  5 The Book of Odes, Mao no. 235. For text and translation, see James Legge, She King, p. 431. Compare the Doctrine of the Mean, chapter 33.6; Legge, She King, p. 433.

  6 A reference to Analects 11.16. Compare the Doctrine of the Mean, chapter 4; Legge, She King, p. 387.

  7 Mengzi 5A7.

  8 Literally, “unequal endowments of qi .” This results in varying levels of awareness in regard to the common inheritance of principle (li ), which all people possess.

  9 Zhang’s use of the expression “personal understanding” (zide ) echoes an important idea first brought into focus by Mengzi. See Mengzi 3A4 and 4B14.

  10 References to the Great Learning. For text and translation, see James Legge, pp. 357—59. Ensuring that one’s thoughts are “sincere” was a major concern for later Confucians. Zhang’s point—here and in what follows—is that in order to reach this goal, one’s thoughts must be grounded in informed and critical reflections upon activities one personally has engaged in.

  11 Analects 11.23.

  12 As is clear from Analects 11.23, Kongzi criticizes Zilu for distracting Zigong from his studies by arranging for his appointment as governor. Kongzi’s point is that proper knowledge must precede action.

  13 For the Three Dynasties, see Essay 1, note 43. The Five Teachings concerned the five primary relationships and the ideal virtues associated with each. In the Commentary of Zuo, Duke Wen, 18th year, we find the following list: father and righteousness, mother and loving-kindness, elder brother and friendliness, younger brother and respectfulness, child and filial piety. For text and translation, see Legge, The Ch‘un Ts’ew, pp. 280—83. The Five Teachings are also mentioned in the Canon of Shun chapter of the Book of History. For text and translation, see James Legge, The Shoo King, p. 44. Compare Mengzi 3A4. For Zhang’s claims regarding ancient educational practices, see “On the Dao,” Section Two.

  14 The need to internalize the lessons one learns and apply them in the world is one of the key themes of the “Record of Learning” (Xueji ) chapter of the “Book of Rites.” For a translation, see Legge, The Li Ki, vol. 2, pp. 82—91.

  15 The rhymed couplet is apparently Zhang’s creation. The idea, to be expounded at greater length below, is that although knowledge was relatively easy for the ancients to acquire, because of their more conducive historical circumstances, corresponding action was nevertheless difficult, even for them. This couplet initiates a discussion of a perennial theme in Chinese thought: the problem of the relationship between “knowledge” and “action.” Compare note 23 below.

  16 From the Canon of Yao section of the Book of History. For text and translation, see Legge, The Shoo King, p. 24.

  17 From the Charge to Yue section of the Book of History. For text and translation, see Legge, The Shoo King, p. 258.

  18 For this story, see the Charge to Yue section of the Book of History, p. 259.

  19 The Charge to Yue, p. 260.

  20 Zhang here is referring to the so-called “old text” version of the Book of Histor
y , which purportedly was discovered hidden within a wall of Kongzi’s house. This version of the text and other “old text’ versions were said to be the authentic editions of the classics. They were in competition with the so-called “new text” classics, which were versions reconstructed after the Qin dynasty’s infamous book-burning campaign. By the Qing, the authenticity of the “old text” versions was widely doubted, hence Zhang’s remark.

  21 Analects 2.15.

  22 Analects 15.31.

  23 The reference is to Wang Yangming’s famous teaching. See the Introduction, note 20. For a seminal study of this idea, see David S. Nivison, “The Problem of ‘Knowledge’ and ‘Action’ in Chinese Thought since Wang Yang-ming,” in Arthur F. Wright, ed., Studies in Chinese Thought (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1953), 112—45.