Book Read Free

The Oxford Handbook of the Phoenician and Punic Mediterranean

Page 11

by Carolina Lopez-Ruiz


  Dochhorn, J. 2005. “Die phönizischen Personennamen in den bei Josephus überlieferten Quellen zur Geshichte von Tyrus.” Welt des Orients 35: 68–117.

  Elayi, J. 2013. Histoire de la Phénicie. Paris: Perrin.

  Elayi, J., and A. Cavigneaux. 1979. “Sargon II et les Ioniens.” Oriens Antiquus 18: 59–75.

  Finkelstein, I., and N. A. Silberman. 2006. David and Solomon: In Search of the Bible’s Sacred Kings and the Roots of the Western Tradition. New York and London: Free Press and Simon & Schuster.

  Fontan, E. 2001. “La frise du transport du bois, décor du palais de Sargon II à Khorsabad.” Archaeology and History in Lebanon 14: 58–63.

  Fuchs, A. 1993. Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad, Göttingen: Cuvillier.

  Glassner, J.-J. 1993. Chroniques mésopotamiennes. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.

  González de Canales, F. 2014. “Tarshish-Tartessos, the Emporium Reached by Kolaios of Samos.” In Phéniciens d’Orient et d’Occident: Mélanges Josette Elayi, edited by A. Lemaire, B. Dufour, and F. Pfizmann, 559–76. Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve.

  González de Canales, F., L. Serrano, and J. Llompart. 2010. “Tarshish and the United Monarchy of Israel.” Ancient Near Eastern Studies 47: 137–64.

  Grayson, A. K. 1975. Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles. Locust Valley, NY: J. J. Augustin.

  Hawkins, J. D. 2000. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, vol. I: Inscriptions of the Iron Age. Berlin: De Gruyter.

  Henige, D. 2009. “Josephus and the Tyrian Kinglist.” Transeuphratène 38: 35–64.

  Kahn, D. 2008. “Some Remarks on the Foreign Policy of Psammetichus II in the Levant (595–589 B.C.).” Journal of Egyptian History 1: 139–57.

  Katzenstein, H. J. 1973. The History of Tyre: From the Beginning of the Second Millenium B.C.E. until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538 B.C.E. Jerusalem: Schoken Institute for Jewish Research.

  Kestemont, G. 1972. “Le commerce phénicien et l’expansion assyrienne du IXe–VIIIe siècle.” Oriens Antiquus 11: 137–44.

  Kestemont, G. 1983. “Tyr et les Assyriens.” In Studia Phoenicia I/II, edited by E. Gubel, E. Lipiński, and B. Servais-Soyez, 53–78. Leuven: Peeters.

  Kestemont, G. 1985. “Les Phéniciens en Syrie du nord.” In Studia Phoenicia III, edited by E. Gubel and E. Lipiński, 135–61. Leuven: Peeters.

  Kleber, K. 2008. Tempel und Palast: Die Beziehungen zwischen dem König und dem Eanna-Tempel im spätbabylonischen Uruk. AOAT 358. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.

  Kokkinos, N. 2013. “The Tyrian Annals and Ancient Greek Chronography.” Scripta Classica Israelica 32: 21–66.

  Leclant, J. 1968. “Les relations entre l’Égypte et la Phénicie du voyage d’Ounamon à l’expédition d’Alexandre.” In The Role of the Phoenicians in the Interaction of Mediterranean Civilizations, edited by W. A. Ward, 9–31. Beirut: American University of Beirut.

  Lehmann, G. 2008a. “Das Land Kabul Archäologische und historisch-geographische Erwägungen.” In Israeliten und Phönizier: Ihre Beziehungen im Spiegel der Archäologie und der Literatur des Alten Testaments und seiner Umwelt, edited by M. Witte and J. F. Diehl, 39–94. Fribourg and Göttingen: Academic Press and Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

  Lehmann, G. 2008b. “North Syria and Cilicia, c. 1200–330 BCE.” In Beyond the Homeland: Markers in Phoenician Chronology, edited by C. Sagona, 137–78. Louvain: Peeters.

  Lehmann, R. G. 2005. Dynastensarkophage mit szenischen Reliefs aus Byblos und Zypern, Teil 1.2. Die Inschrift(en) des Aḥīrōm-Sarkophags und die Schachtinschrift des Grabes V in Jbeil (Byblos). Mainz: Von Zabern.

  Lehmann, R. G. 2015. “Wer war Aḥīrōms Sohn (KAI 1:1)? Eine kalligraphisch-prosopographische Annäherung an eine epigraphisch offene Frage.” In Neue Beiträge zur Semitistik, edited by H.-P. Mathys, V. Golinets, H. Jenni, and S. Sarasin, 163–80. Münster: Ugarit.

  Lemaire, A. 2006. “La datation des rois de Byblos Abibaal et Élibaal et les relations entre l’Égypte et le Levant au Xe siècle av. notre ère.” Comptes-rendus des séances de l’année—Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres 150, no. 4: 1697–716.

  Lemaire, A. 2010. “Remarques sur le contexte historique et culturel de la fondation de Carthage.” In Carthage et les autochtones de son empire du temps de Zama. Colloque international de Siliana et Tunis du 10 au 13 mars 2004, Hommage à Mhamed Hassine Fantar, edited by A. Ferjaoui, 55–59. Tunis: Institut national du patrimoine.

  Lipiński, E. 2004. Itineraria Phoenicia. Studia Phoenicia XVIII. Louvain: Peeters.

  Lipiński, E. 2006. On the Skirts of Canaan in the Iron Age. Louvain: Peeters.

  Lipiński, E. 2010. “Hiram of Tyre and Solomon.” In The Books of Kings: Sources, Composition, Historiography and Reception, edited by A. Lemaire and B. Halpern, 251–71. Leiden: Brill.

  Liverani, M. 2003. Oltre la Bibbia: Storia antica di Israele. Storia e Società 6. Rome and Bari: Laterza.

  López-Ruiz, C. 2009. “Tarshish and Tartessos Revisited: Textual Problems and Historical Implications.” In Colonial Encounters in Ancient Iberia: Phoenician, Greek, and Indigenous Relations, edited by M. Dietler and C. López-Ruiz, 255–80. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

  Masson, O., and M. Sznycer. 1972. Recherches sur les Phéniciens à Chypre. Genève and Paris: Librairie Droz.

  Montenegro, J., and A. del Castillo. 2016. “The Location of Tarshish: Critical Considerations.” Revue Biblique 123: 239–68.

  Müller, H.-P. 1988. “Pygmaion, Pygmalion und Pumaijaton: Aus der Geschichte einer mythischen Gestalt.” Orientalia N. S. 57: 192–205.

  Mumford, G. 2007. “Egypto-Levantine Relations During the Iron Age to Early Persian Periods (Dynasties Late 20 to 26).” In Egyptian Stories: A British Egyptological Tribute to Alan B. Lloyd on the Occasion of His Retirement, edited by T. Schneider and K. Szpakowska, 225–88. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.

  Na’aman, N. 1998. “Sargon II and the Rebellion of the Cypriote Kings Against Shilṭa of Tyre.” Orientalia N. S. 67: 239–47.

  Na’aman, N. 2001. “The Conquest of Yadnana According to the Inscriptions of Sargon II.” In Historiography in the Cuneiform World. Proceedings of the XLV Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale: historiography in the cuneiform world, 2 vols., edited by T. Abusch, P.-A. Beaulieu, J. Huehnergard, P. Machinist, and P. Steinkeller (with the assistence of C. Noyes), 357–72. Bethesda, MD: CDL Press.

  Pappa, E. 2013. Early Iron Age Exchange in the West: Phoenicians in the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. Leuven: Peeters.

  Peckham, J. B. 2014. Phoenicia: Episodes and Anecdotes from the Ancient Mediterranean. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.

  Puech, E. 1992. “La stèle de Bar-Hadad à Melqart et les rois d’Arpad.” Revue Biblique 99: 311–44.

  Radner, K. 2012. “The Stele of Adad-nērārī III and Nergal-ēreš from Dūr-Katlimmu (Tell Šaiḥḫ Ḥamad).” Altorientalische Forschungen 39: 265–77.

  Rollston, C. A. 2008. “The Dating of the Early Royal Byblian Phoenician Inscriptions: A Response to Benjamin Sass.” Maarav 15, no. 1: 57–83.

  Sass, B. 2005. The Alphabet at the Turn of the Millennium: The West Semitic Alphabet ca. 1150–850 BCE. The Antiquity of the Arabian, Greek and Phyrgian Alphabets. Tel Aviv: Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University.

  Scandone, G. 1984. “Testimonanzie egiziane in Fenicia dal XII al IV sec. a. C.” Rivista di Studi Fenici 12: 133–63.

  Schachner, A. 2007. Bilder eines Weltreichs: Kunst- und kulturgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu den Verzierungen eines Tores aus Balawat (Imgur-Enlil) aus der Zeit von Salmanassar III, König von Assyrien. Subartu 20. Turnhout: Brepols.

  Schaudig, H. 2001. Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und Kyros’ des Grossen samt den in ihrem Umfeld entstandenen Tendenzschriften. Münster: Ugarit.

  Schaudig, H. 2008. “A Tanit-Sign from Babylon and the Conquest of Tyre by Nebuchadrezzar II.” Ugarit Forschungen 40: 533–45.

  Schmitz, P. C. 2010. “The Phoenician Contingent in the Campaign of Psammetichus II Against Kush.” Journal
of Egyptian History 3: 321–37.

  Siddall, L. R. 2009. “Tiglath-Pileser III’s Aid to Ahaz: A New Look at Problems of the Biblical Accounts in Light of the Assyrian Sources.” Ancient Near Eastern Studies 46: 93–106.

  Smith, J. S. 2008. “Cyprus, the Phoenicians and Kition.” In Beyond the Homeland: Markers in Phoenician Chronology, edited by C. Sagona, 261–303. Leuven: Peeters.

  Tadmor, H. 1961. “Que and Muṣri.” Israel Exploration Journal 11: 143–50.

  Zadok, R. 1978. “Phoenicians, Philistines and Moabites in Mesopotamia.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 230: 57–65.

  Zadok, R. 1985. Geographical Names According to New- and Late-Babylonian Texts. Répertoire géographique des textes cunéiformes 8. Wiesbaden: Reichert.

  Chapter 6

  Tyre and its Colonial Expansion

  María Eugenia Aubet Semmler

  The results of recent archaeological excavations in the western Mediterranean and Atlantic have prompted an upward revision of the chronology for the earliest Phoenician expansion. The new chronology paints a more complex panorama than was previously acknowledged, but one that ultimately makes better sense of the duration, historical contexts, and organization of the Phoenician colonial system. The initiative for the colonial enterprise has always been attributed to the city-state of Tyre.

  Exploring the West

  The earliest Phoenician materials in the West, at present, come from the indigenous settlement of Huelva—at the Plaza de las Monjas, discovered in 1997—on the Atlantic coast of Iberia. In this enclave (map 6.1), an important collection of Phoenician ceramics associated with Greek, Nuragic, and Cypriot imports attests to regular presence of Phoenician populations in Tartessos throughout the second half of the ninth century bce (González de Canales et al. 2004, 2008; cf. chapter 38, this volume). This periodization was determined using radiocarbon dates and typological similarities between the oldest Phoenician ceramics and those from Tyre—Bikai’s strata VIII–VI and phase II from the Al-Bass necropolis (Bikai 1978; Núñez 2008).

  Map 6.1 (Top) Map of the central and western Mediterranean with precolonial contacts. (Bottom) The first Phoenician colonies in the western Mediterranean.

  Source: M. E. Aubet.

  It is noteworthy that the first arrival of Phoenicians in the far West occurred in a clearly pre-colonial context and in a territory—that of Huelva—known for its extraordinary mineral-metallurgical wealth. The most important of these resources were silver, copper, gold, and iron, whose production and distribution since the Bronze Age had favored intensive intercourse between the local population and those of other regions along the Atlantic, which were rich in tin and lead, such as Portugal, Galicia, and Extremadura (for metallurgy, see chapter 26, this volume).

  We find a similar pre-colonial phase also in Sardinia, although not as early on as at Huelva. Preceding the first Phoenician colonies, in Sardinia the first signs of Phoenician contact are found in the Nuragic village of Sant’Imbenia (Alghero) at the end of the ninth and early eighth centuries bce. As at Huelva, the first presence of Phoenicians on the island takes place in an indigenous center, which is moreover situated in close proximity to important copper mines and specializes in the mining and production at a large scale of copper ingots intended for export (Oggiano 2000; Rendeli 2012; Mariani 2015).

  All signs thus indicate that the origins of the Phoenician diaspora in the West are intertwined with the search for, and exploration of, lands particularly rich in metals. Moreover, the finds from Huelva and Sant’Imbenia underscore the importance of the period between roughly 840 and 800 bce as a point of origin for the Phoenician presence in the West. This is significant for two reasons.

  1. The chronology of Huelva, which is currently the earliest, coincides with the arrival of the first Phoenicians on the island of Crete, where the oldest Phoenician pottery appears at Kommos around 850–830 bce (Shaw 2000; Bikai 2000; Gilboa et al. 2015; cf. also chapter 32, this volume). The settlement of Kommos corresponds, ostensibly, to an attempt by the Phoenicians to establish a commercial transit station toward the west, simultaneous with the foundation of Tyre’s first overseas colony at Kition (Cyprus; for Cyprus, see chapter 31, this volume).

  2. The new archaeological chronologies for the earliest Phoenician presence overseas are in direct agreement with the dates passed on by ancient Near Eastern historical sources, and in particular those most trustworthy and least legendary. Outstanding among these are the writings of Menander of Ephesus, an author from the third century bce who translated the royal archives of Tyre. These described the reign of a King Ithobaal (or Ethbaal) of Tyre, who ruled between 878 and 847 bce. This monarch founded Tyre’s first external colonies, one at Botrys to the north of Byblos and the other at Auza, in Libya, which has never been located (Aubet 2001: 46–47, 2008: 183–185; Boardman 2010). This historical record for the Tyrian state’s first colonial initiatives coincides, therefore, with the archaeological assemblages obtained in Cyprus, Crete, and the far West.

  The findings at Huelva and Sant’Imbenia, therefore, can help to identify the reasons behind the first Phoenician westward navigations, which were clearly originally motivated by the search for metals. Shortly afterwards, the economic objectives would have diversified in the wake of the foundation of the first permanent colonies.

  First Colonies and Settlement Dynamics

  Radiometric dates and analyses of material culture suggest that the first proper Tyrian colonies were founded shortly after the early exploratory journeys to Huelva and Sardinia: First at Utica (late ninth century bce) and, soon afterward, at Gadir (end of the ninth and beginning of the eighth centuries bce). In Utica, at the mouth of the Bagradas River, the 2005–2007 excavations (Ben Jerbania and Redissi 2014) and work on the town’s acropolis that began in 2010 have uncovered a deep deposit or sacred pit (pit 20017), which was found in relationship with a structure containing an important assemblage of pottery belonging to Phoenician, Nuragic, Greek Geometric, Tartessian, Villanovian, and Libyan traditions. This pottery, in addition to seeds and faunal remains, are dated by 14C to the last quarter and end of the ninth century bce (López Castro et al. 2016).

  Until the findings at Utica, the neighboring city of Carthage had been considered one of the most ancient Phoenician colonies in the western Mediterranean. The absolute dates pointing to the end of the ninth century for the earliest levels of Carthage’s Decumanus Maximus appeared to coincide, moreover, with the “historical” date of its foundation, the year 814–813 bce, according to Classical sources (Rakob 1989; Docter et al. 2005). However, the initial archaeological dating for Carthage was corrected following new soundings in the Bir Massouda neighborhood (Docter et al. 2003), where a series of radiocarbon dates from the earliest strata, as well as the material culture, all pointed to a correlation with the end of period III at Al-Bass (= Tyre IV), which places the foundation of the North African city later, in the first quarter of the eighth century bce, around the year 775 bce (Núñez 2015) (on early Carthage, see also chapter 11, this volume).

  The foundation of the colonies at Utica and Carthage, in the Bay of Tunis, indicates that, after their pre-colonial explorations, the Phoenicians undertook an ambitious colonial policy, whose goal was to secure the permanent occupation of strategic lands and, with it, access to an ever more diverse array of resources. Agricultural resources and access to the gold and ivory of the African interior would have been more than enough reason to justify the foundation of Tyre’s colonies in the Bay of Tunis.

  Among the most significant recent advances in the study of the Phoenician expansion, the case of Cádiz (ancient Gadir) is of particular importance. The legendary accounts of the city’s foundation and the quasi-mythical status of its famous temple to Melqart—the Herakleion—have always attracted the attention (yet frustrated the efforts) of archaeologists, geographers, and historians.

  It was only during the 2006–2010 excavations at the building site of the Teatro Cómico that we finally
caught a glimpse of the ancient Phoenician colony. The earliest level of Phoenician occupation (period II) was found over traces of a local settlement dating to the Late Bronze Age (period I) at the highest point of the island Erytheia, the smallest in the ancient Gaditan archipelago, exactly where the Classical sources situate the Tyrian foundation of Gadir (Gener et al. 2012: 134, 2014: 16–17).

  The finds from Teatro Cómico are remarkable for several reasons, which we describe here, especially when they are compared to other archaic colonies:

  1. The discovery of several dwellings around a paved street reveal a clear urban character that dates to the earliest phase of the colony, which was clearly a planned settlement with high occupational density (Gener et al. 2012: 143).

  2. The Phoenician pottery, of which the most noteworthy includes ridge-necked jugs, pithoi, and plates, as well as a Nuragic jars (Gener et al. 2012: 145–55; Torres et al. 2014), find their closest parallels in Tyre, and specifically in Bikai’s stratum IV and in period III at Al-Bass (Bikai 1978; Núñez 2014). This suggests a working date for the foundation of Gadir around the years 800–780 bce.

  3. A group of clay sealings was discovered inside a cooking oven in one of the dwellings, and analysis of the sealings revealed they had been affixed to papyrus documents (Gener et al. 2012: 168–78). The seals, with scarab imprints, demonstrate the regular use in newly founded Cádiz of written papyrus documents, sealed with signatory rings, and probably related to the early collation of archives in the city or temple. What is more, the epigraphic study of ostraca from period II, incised on pottery, reveals the use of personal names or anthroponyms to mark ownership of amphorae and other ceramic transport containers (Zamora et al. 2010). The most significant fact is that these ostraca are incised on local Phoenician pottery, which demonstrates the regular use of Phoenician writing by individuals who were living in Cádiz during its earliest occupational phases.

 

‹ Prev