Liberation of Paris : How Eisenhower, De Gaulle, and Von Choltitz Saved the City of Light (9781501164941)

by Smith, Jean Edward

  General von Choltitz signing the surrender document in Paris, August 25, 1944

  Leclerc and von Choltitz rode together in the same armored vehicle. When they arrived at the Gare Montparnasse, von Choltitz, who was known to have heart problems, suffered a mild attack. He ran into a small toilet stall and asked for some water so he could take his medication, which he always carried with him. Leclerc’s adjunct, Major Weil, who spoke excellent German, gave him a glass of water and said, “General, I hope you don’t mean to take poison.” Von Choltitz replied, “No, young man. We won’t do that.”16

  Leclerc then asked von Choltitz to write an order for his men to stop the fighting. This was especially necessary as most of the strongpoints [Stützpunkte] continued to resist. “I composed the order which instructed my soldiers to end the purposeless fight,” said von Choltitz.

  Order! The resistance in the sectors of the Stützpunkte and within the Stützpunkte must cease immediately.

  By order of the Commanding General v. Choltitz, General of the Infantry.17

  Von Choltitz’s order was distributed to each strongpoint by a French officer, joined by a member of von Choltitz’s staff. It was sufficient to end the resistance at all of the strongpoints except at the Palais du Luxembourg, where the SS continued to hold out. To force the SS to cease their resistance, von Choltitz sent his chief of staff, Colonel Friedrich von Unger, to the Palais. With him went Colonel Jean Crepin, the Second Armored Division’s artillery commander. They arrived a little before six-thirty that evening and were shocked by the destruction they saw. Meeting with the SS commander, they told him he had one hour to end his resistance. If his troops did not surrender, “they would not be treated as prisoners of war.” The SS commander reluctantly agreed. To his officers he said, “In the name of the Führer” he was ordering a surrender.18 For the next hour the SS garrison fired off their ammunition. At 7:35 p.m., exactly one hour after Crepin’s ultimatum, the gates of the Palais swung open and the German SS troops under a white flag marched out into captivity. With the surrender of this SS garrison, Paris was free of the last German holdouts. Thanks to von Choltitz, it had been achieved without significant damage to the city. When the final results were tallied, 14,800 Germans became prisoners of war. Only 200 had been killed that day. Overall German losses for the five days of resistance approached 3,000, but most of those had been with Aulock outside the city.19

  Celebrations were everywhere. “A great city in which everyone is happy,” wrote famed journalist A. J. Liebling. Ernest Hemingway and his followers, including Colonel David Bruce, went to the Ritz, which was all but deserted. Asked by the manager what they wanted, Hemingway said “seventy-three dry martinis.” After which he and Bruce and several others had dinner, which Bruce reported was “superb.” Another said, “We drank. We ate. We glowed.” And it was the same down the line. A sergeant from Minnesota wrote to his parents, “I have never in my life been kissed so much.” The war correspondent Ernie Pyle said, “Paris seems to have all the beautiful girls we have always heard it had.… They dress in riotous colors.… The liberation is the loveliest, brightest story of our time.” And Private Irwin Shaw of the Twelfth Infantry Regiment, who would become a famous novelist after the war, said that August 25 was “the day the war should have ended.”20

  There were problems, but they were not major. The Milice, Vichy’s paramilitary organization, was not under von Choltitz and did not surrender. It occupied no buildings, but individual members kept up a brief resistance, firing their weapons from windows and rooftops. Some members of the FFI also posed problems as they also fired independently. Those Parisians who had collaborated with the Germans often found their neighbors upset and seeking revenge, and the women who collaborated horizontally found themselves the victims of self-appointed avengers who beat them, shaved their heads, and paraded them through the streets. But the major resistance was over. Paris had been liberated.

  Charles de Gaulle spent the morning of August 25 in Rambouillet. He was in hourly contact with Leclerc, and followed his progress closely. As he said, “I felt myself simultaneously gripped by emotion and filled with serenity.” De Gaulle was determined not to allow his power to be infringed. “The mission with which I was invested seemed as clear as it could be.”21

  Shortly after noon, de Gaulle got into an open-top black Hotchkiss convertible for the ride into Paris. Sitting beside him was General Alphonse Juin. They were joined by two more sedans, with a jeep in front and a jeep in back, both jeeps armed with machine guns. Initially the roads were clear, but when the convoy reached Longjumeau, a market town twenty kilometers south of Paris, the crowds became immense, making passage difficult. When they reached the Porte d’Italie, the wall of spectators became almost impassable. Most had assumed that de Gaulle would go first to the Hôtel de Ville and greet the leadership of the Parisian Committee of National Liberation (CPL) and the National Council of the Resistance headed by Georges Bidault. Instead, he headed for the Gare Montparnasse, where Leclerc was waiting. This was deliberate on de Gaulle’s part. He wanted to downplay the importance of the CPL and the National Council of the Resistance and emphasize the role of the French army. It was also his way of deflecting Communist influence.

  A French “horizontal collaborator” has her head shaved

  At the station, de Gaulle greeted Leclerc warmly, delighted that his troops had “brought off a complete victory without the city suffering the demolitions or the population losses that had been feared.”22 In the receiving line were General Chaban-Delmas and Colonel Rol. De Gaulle, who apparently had never met the twenty-nine-year-old Chaban-Delmas before, was surprised at his youth. “Well, I’ll be damned,” he was heard to mutter.23 Next was Rol, whom de Gaulle congratulated for having “driven the enemy from our streets, decimated and demoralized his troops, and blockaded his units in their strongholds.”24 De Gaulle was aware of Rol’s ability to command the FFI, and wanted to reassure him. He did not want the FFI to become enemies. De Gaulle’s son, Philippe, a lieutenant in the Second Armored Division, was also there. De Gaulle kissed his son on both cheeks before he was sent off with a German major to effect the surrender of the German troops at the Palais Bourbon.

  After the preliminaries, Leclerc showed de Gaulle the surrender document von Choltitz had signed. When de Gaulle saw Rol’s signature, he bristled. “You allowed Rol-Tanguy to sign! Why do you think I made you temporary governor of Paris?”

  De Gaulle and Leclerc

  “But Chaban agreed,” Leclerc replied.

  “Even so it is not correct. You are the ranking officer, and consequently solely responsible.” De Gaulle did not pursue the matter. It was clear that Leclerc had acted out of goodwill and it was pointless to object. “You have done well,” de Gaulle told him. “And I will recommend Rol-Tanguy be made a Companion of Liberation.” Turning to a senior reporter for the BBC, de Gaulle said, “The enemy has surrendered to General Leclerc and the French Forces of the Interior.”25 He carefully included the FFI in his statement to defuse the Communist Party, if that was possible. With that, the business at the Gare Montparnasse was finished, and de Gaulle departed for his old office at the Ministry of War.

  De Gaulle had decided to make the Ministry of War his headquarters in Paris rather than the Élysée Palace. He had not been elected, and felt that the Élysée Palace was reserved for those who were. He had also served in the Ministry of War before leaving for London in 1940. When he arrived, he found that his office was exactly as he had left it. The Germans had not occupied the Ministry of War, so the furniture and everything else was unchanged. “Gigantic events had overturned the world. Our Army was annihilated. France had virtually collapsed. But at the Ministry of War, the look of things remained immutable…. The vestibule, the staircase, the arms hanging on the walls—were just as they had been. Here, in person, were the same stewards and ushers. I entered the ‘minister’s office,’ which M. Paul Reynaud and I had left together on the night of June 10, 1940. Not a piece of fur
niture, not a rug, not a curtain had been disturbed…. Nothing was missing except the State. It was my duty to restore it: I installed my staff at once and got down to work.”26

  De Gaulle was moving with confidence. He immediately ordered the French officials in Algiers and London to get to Paris as soon as possible, and also arranged for the transfer of eight thousand small arms from the Americans to the Paris police to replace the weapons they had lost.

  Shortly after his arrival at the Ministry he was called on by Charles Luizet and Alexandre Parodi, who urged him to go and speak to the National Council of the Resistance and the Parisian Committee of Liberation at the Hôtel de Ville. They were waiting for him, said Parodi. De Gaulle, who was still determined to deemphasize the two groups, refused. They were simply the symbols of municipal authority. He was the government of France. De Gaulle was intensely afraid of fueling a Communist takeover, and believed that ignoring the CNR and the CPL was the best way to avoid one. Parodi and Luizet continued to press the case. Finally, de Gaulle yielded. “All right, if we must go, let’s go!”27 But before leaving he made two decisions. He would visit the préfecture de police before going to Hôtel de Ville, and tomorrow he would lead a gigantic parade down the Champs-Élysées to Notre-Dame and symbolize his official entry into Paris. De Gaulle believed it was essential to demonstrate the support he had and leave the Communist Party in the lurch.

  De Gaulle arrived at the préfecture at 7 p.m. He was greeted by a packed courtyard of police, “trembling with joy and pride,” and the police band, which kept up a steady stream of marches. De Gaulle had deliberately chosen to visit the préfecture first to demonstrate his support for the police and to thank them for leading the insurrection, thereby “increasing their prestige and their popularity,” and making up for their “long humiliation.”28 Also, by calling on the police, he was solidifying his base should problems ensue. It was de Gaulle at his best.

  From the préfecture, de Gaulle went on foot to the Hôtel de Ville. He was accompanied by Parodi, Juin, Luizet, and André Le Troquer, his commissioner for war. Again they were greeted by a vast outpouring of Parisians. At the Hôtel de Ville, the demonstration was even greater. “On the steps, the combatants, tears in their eyes, presented arms. Beneath a unified chorus of cheers, I was led to the center of the salon on the first floor. Here were grouped the members of the National Council of the Resistance and the Parisian Committee of Liberation…. All wore the Cross of Lorraine. Glancing around the group vibrant with enthusiasm, affection, and curiosity, I felt we had immediately recognized one another, that there was among us, combatants of the same battle, an incomparable link, and that if there were divergences of policy and ambition among us, the fact that the majority and I found ourselves together would carry the rest of us along with us…. I did not see a single gesture or hear a single word which was not one of perfect dignity. How admirable the success of a meeting long dreamed of and paid for with so many efforts, disappointments, and deaths.”29

  Georges Maranne, a Communist, spoke first, on behalf of the Parisian Committee of Liberation. He welcomed de Gaulle to Paris in glowing terms. He was followed by Georges Bidault, head of the National Council of the Resistance, who was even more eloquent in his welcome. De Gaulle was then asked to speak—not just to those inside the Hôtel de Ville, but to the vast crowd that had gathered outside as well. Without any preparations, de Gaulle stepped outside into the crowd and gave what many believe was the most effective speech of his lifetime.

  Paris! Paris outraged! Paris broken! Paris martyred! But Paris liberated! Liberated by itself, liberated by its people with the help of the French armies, with the support and the help of all France, of the France that fights, of the only France, of the real France, of the eternal France!

  Since the enemy which held Paris has capitulated into our hands, France returns to Paris, to her home. She returns bloody, but quite resolute. She returns there enlightened by the immense lesson, but more certain than ever of her duties and of her rights.

  I speak of her duties first, and I will sum them all up by saying that for now it is a matter of the duties of war. The enemy is staggering, but he is not beaten yet. He remains on our soil.

  It will not even be enough that we have, with the help of our dear and admirable Allies, chased him from our home for us to consider ourselves satisfied after what has happened. We want to enter his territory as is fitting, as victors.

  This is why the French vanguard has entered Paris with guns blazing. This is why the great French army from Italy has landed in the south and is advancing rapidly up the Rhône valley. This is why our brave and dear forces of the interior are going to arm themselves with modern weapons. It is for this revenge, this vengeance and justice, that we will keep fighting until the last day, until the day of total and complete victory.

  This duty of war, all the men who are here and all those who hear us in France know that it demands national unity. We, who have lived the greatest hours of our history, we have nothing else to wish than to show ourselves, up to the end, worthy of France. Vive la France! 30

  It was a magnificent address. De Gaulle had spoken extemporaneously and had captured the hour. Bidault was so moved that on the verge of tears he asked de Gaulle to proclaim the Republic. “General, here around you are the National Council of Resistance and the Parisian Committee of Liberation. We ask you formally to proclaim the Republic before the people who have gathered here.”31

  De Gaulle speaking at the Hôtel de Ville

  It was a moving request, but de Gaulle was not interested. “The Republic has never ceased to exist,” he replied. “Free France, Fighting France, the French Committee of National Liberation have successfully incorporated it. Vichy always was and still remains null and void. I myself am the President of the government of the Republic. Why should I proclaim it now?”32 De Gaulle was not only correct, but by standing firm reinforced his position as head of the French State. He wished to emphasize that Pétain’s regime was an aberration, and that he represented French legitimacy. He also wanted to downplay the possibility of another Paris Commune. As a leading biographer has written, “De Gaulle was a blend of strength, diversity, and ruthlessness. At the Hôtel de Ville, he had just uttered one of the most fervent cries of love that a town has ever inspired; now he regained his control and resumed the direction of the matter point by point.”33

  After his appearance at the Hôtel de Ville, de Gaulle returned to the Ministry of War, where he began to plan the parade he had scheduled for the next day. At the same time, General Pierre Koenig, whom de Gaulle had just appointed to be military governor of Paris, hosted a dinner for the senior officers of the Second Armored Division, at the grand mess room of Les Invalides—the building containing the tomb of Napoléon. Walking over to Les Invalides that evening, Leclerc turned to Colonel Boissieu and said, “You know, Boissieu, it is extraordinary to have liberated Paris without destroying any of its riches! All the bridges, all the buildings, all the artistic treasures are still intact. What luck we’ve had. Do you remember that day you brought me that letter from General de Gaulle with my mission to liberate Paris?… Well, that document, I still have on me, in this pocket. It is there with another letter from General de Gaulle. Whenever I felt unhappy or doubtful, I reread them.”34

  More to the point, during the meal the discussion focused on the role of the Resistance in Paris’s liberation, lingering over the details of the cease-fire and the role of the Communist Party. It was a useful exchange. When the meal ended, General Koenig said, “We have narrowly avoided another Paris Commune.”35 It was clear on the evening of August 25 that not only had the Germans been defeated, but so too had the Communists. And de Gaulle deserved the credit.

  For most Parisians, the issue that evening was not Communism but enjoying their new freedom. The Germans were gone, and Paris was open as it had not been for four years. The celebrations went on long into the night. As a Frenchwoman put it, “Many Parisian women were too charitable to le
t our lads spend their first night in the capital alone.”36 And it was not just French soldiers who were embraced. As Ernie Pyle put it, “Anybody who does not sleep with a woman tonight is just an exhibitionist.”37 At the close of the day, Albert Camus may have said it best when he wrote, “Those who never despaired of themselves or their country can find tonight under this sky their recompense.”38

   X

  De Gaulle Triumphant

  “What I wanted to see was the situation in Paris under control, and as far as I was concerned de Gaulle was the best man to do that.”

  —DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, AUGUST 27, 1944

  Saturday, August 26, dawned bright and clear. It was another perfect day. And de Gaulle was satisfied and proud. Not only had Paris been liberated, but it had been done with few casualties and little damage. Even more important, it had been done with a united France. There was no threat of another Paris Commune, or any other challenge to de Gaulle’s authority. The parade down the Champs-Élysées that he was planning would be a fitting demonstration of this achievement. News of the pending parade was spread throughout Paris by the radio, the press, and word of mouth. The enthusiasm of the Parisians was unanimous. Even L’Humanité was outspoken in its support. With massive headlines on the front page, the Communist paper said: “AT 15:00, FROM THE ARC DE TRIOMPHE TO NOTRE DAME, THE PEOPLE WILL UNANIMOUSLY ACCLAIM GENERAL DE GAULLE.”1