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by Ratan Sharda

  As he came out of Sivani jail after meeting Guruji, he told Eknath Ranade, “To make your Guruji agree to anything is like moving a mountain. Still, due to his respect for me, he agreed to my views with open heart. Now, provide me with the necessary material to help me prepare the constitution.” Eknath ji and Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay sat together to draw out the working methodology of Sangh. Finally, the constitution of Sangh took form. Shastriji reached Sivani again on March 10 with this draft. Explaining the whole story behind making of this document, he handed it over to Guruji. Guruji flipped each page and signed at the required place.”

  On advice from Shastriji, Guruji gave this authority to Shastriji through his signed power of attorney to him. The letter said, “I have read the constitution prepared by Shri T. R. Venkataram Shastri. I accept it. With a view of saving time and as a matter of convenience I am requesting Shri Shastriji to submit it to the Central government and accept him as my authorised representative.” Shastriji came to Nagpur with these documents and met state home minister Dwarika Prasad Mishra and after handing over the entire material to him for the purpose of submission to the Central Home Minister, he proceeded for Chennai. This ex-advocate general had believed that next steps would take place without any hurdle. However, Home Minister of free India managed to find one fault with the whole exercise. He sent all the documents back to Chennai with a letter stating, “Though you have prepared this constitution, it is the constitution of Sangh. Therefore, following the right procedure, Golwalkar should himself send it to Central home department through Madhya Pradesh home ministry. The permission given to you for meeting Golwalkar was not given to you as a mediator.” This behaviour of the Home Minister was found distasteful by the elderly gentleman. But, he was sincere about making the job successful that he had taken up. But, in his age, that too at the height of summers, it was exhausting for him to travel to Nagpur again via Sivani. Therefore, he handed over all this material with another letter through Shivram Shankar Apte to deliver it to Guruji by hand, appraising Guruji about the unexpected hurdle put by the government and his suggestion about how to re-present it. Apte ji went to Sivani in April 1949 to overcome the hurdle.

  Accepting various opinions and discussions, Guruji submitted the constitution of Sangh to Central government through Madhya Pradesh government from Sivani jail on April 11. Attached letter had following lines, “I am sending the written constitution of Sangh alongwith. Now onwards, the organisation will work as per its provisions. It contains mainly those provisions on which Sangh was working for years.”

  “I hope that constitution prepared now will be acceptable and will fulfill a sharply felt weakness. With a hope that the administration will approve the constitution, I also hope that you show the courtesy of releasing a notification to lift the ban on Sangh and let it work as per its constitution (which has been prepared and sent to you). When this possibility is created, I will get this constitution printed. The required notifications that are to be released, may be released fast so that Sangh work can be conducted with ease.”

  “It pains me a lot that the Bharatiya government looks at my words and general conduct with suspicion. But, time will prove my work, that weaves together a scattered and highly divided people into a cultural tie built with a common goal and common discipline and generates unity, will prove to be useful for overall good of the nation. Future alone will tell that my nature is of co-operation, maintaining a positive feeling for all, and not tuned to fighting with some group. I expect a positive response very soon.”9

  Infact, the demand of government had been met fully. Now, all that was left was to lift the ban with a liberal and open heart. Expecting this, generous hearted Venkataram Shastri had written special letters to Madhya Pradesh home minister Mishra ji on April 16 and Home Minister Patel on April 29 from Chennai. But the government was different ideas.

  It had a different regrettable objective. There was a meeting of Chief Ministers on April 8-9 in which it was decided to continue the ban. Because of this, government decided to play some complex political games of its own. Instead of Home Minister, home secretary took over the correspondence in this matter. After that, the human contacts established so far, began to melt away. Dry bureaucratic processes took over. Home secretary raised objections over sub-sections of the constitution. Guruji sent his reply to the letter sent by state home ministry in Sivani jail directly to Central Home Minister. This time he wrote in a more terse manner, “Even my demand for producing evidence against the allegations against us is more than six month old, but there no proof has come up during this period. In such a scenario, it doesn’t behoove a supposedly cultured government to keep repeating the so called allegations even after such a long lapse of time and showing disrespect to truth, justice and judicial system.” And finally, drawing attention of the Home Minister, he clarified, “Before closing this letter, I would like to bring to your notice another fact that there is no constitution in which you cannot pick holes in some way. All constitutions can be amended suitably over time. Therefore I think that if somebody criticises a constitution right upon its introduction and expects it to be perfectly complete like the final words of God, it is not right to have such a view. I have been told that government wants Sangh’s constitution in writing. I have submitted it. I feel that the right way is to implement the constitution in practice and change and improve it as situation arises. This is, infact, constructive and useful way of doing it.”10 The response that Iyengar sent after a week exposed the true intent of the government. He had written in conclusion, “The Government’s approach about Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is completely transparent and without any confusion. It is the custodian of people’s interest and this is how it should be. It is its duty to protect them from undesirable and foul elements. Till it is not fully assured that Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh will not be in a position to repeat such incidents and it will be able to stop negative fallout of such actions that are a result of its activities in the past, it cannot take a lenient view about the organisation.”11

  Guruji sent response to this letter, too, to Home Minister. Attacking the intoxication of power, he wrote in his last letter, “In a matter like this, a suggestion of an independent enquiry committee can come only from people who do not understand even the basics of governance” – I am obliged for being told about this. I accept my ignorance on this subject. Not just ordinary human being, but even Mahatma Gandhi, himself, had a right to this ignorance, so I consider this a matter of pride for me. If this is how your government basically thinks then it is dangerous. Letter dated 3rd May 1949 gave me a sense of satisfaction. That is, that my assessment of the mentality about the people who have the right to rule, was not wrong.”12

  At this stage dialogue between the two sides stopped. In the meanwhile, many newspapers published the Sangh’s constitution that had been submitted to the government. Navbhaarat of Delhi wrote in its editorial dated May 24, “Sangh has submitted a written constitution due to adamant stand of Congress government. Why is government silent now? After studying the constitution of Sangh, we have come to the conclusion that Congress rulers should not object to any part of it.”13

  Having understood the thinking of government, the Sangh began preparing a new strategy. Jail walls not only have ears but they also have lips. It doesn’t matter whether Guruji is inside or Eknath ji is outside. Leaders and organisers had kept message broadcasting systems very fast based on this truism. Because of this, morale of swayamsevaks was very high inspite of being in prison for four-five months. Infact, the Congress leadership’s estimates about the scenario slipped off the tracks here. They had assumed that policy of procrastination will weaken the opposition. That is why they had dragged the matter for five months after suspension of satyagrah.

  Sangh leadership’s decided to get back onto the battle grounds again with support of a favourable society. Noticing the last sentence of Home Secretary’s letter, “Government cannot take a lenient view about the organisation”, Gu
ruji decided to face the challenge head on. He handed over a letter head carrying his name containing his plan for struggle to the jail warden, to be handed over to Balasaheb Deoras who was to be released after a week. Jailer intercepted it and sent it directly to Dwarika Prasad Mishra, who sent it to Home Minister Patel.14

  It seems that this could be a part of RSS strategy. It gave an idea about the intentions of Sangh leader. Sangh leader had written to his closest colleague, “I had told Shri Venkataram Shastri from beginning that this is what government will do. He assured me “leave it to me”. I accepted his offer. But, my view is that it is not possible to resolve this issue without informing members all over and launching a powerful agitation again. Thus, without rushing into it, this agitation will run for many days with faultless preparations. With this understanding, there is no alternative but to re-launch this agitation in June end or at a suitable time. This is my opinion. It would be better to include and add other types of strikes etc. to this. A good resolution should be documented well. Copies of this statement should be distributed all over the country. The statement should also declare that as a result of government putting hurdles against the right of the people to assemble, we are launching this peaceful agitation because we have been left with no other alternative. This statement should be sent from an unmarked place by post to the central and state governments and agitation should be launched in a peaceful manner.”

  “This is, but, my opinion. However, you people, who are outside should sit together and take the right decision. My effort is only that this sense of indecision must end. This situation of being ‘neither here nor being there’ with washing away of mediator’s efforts must come to an end.”15

  As expected, Sarkaaryavaah Bhaiyya ji Dani and Balasaheb Deoras reached Nagpur after being released from jail on June 5. None of them received the abovementioned letter suppressed by the jailer, but they had received complete information from other ‘information highways’. Eknath Ranade also joined them later. Opinion of all the three was similar to that of Guruji. Their assessment was that discussions about some agreement with government were like a cry in the wilderness and that government is playing a game of stretching and delaying the issue. They also assessed the situation on the ground. They could notice that atmosphere prevailing at the time of imposition of ban had changed radically. Now, people have understood the truth.

  In the meanwhile, the case of Gandhi’s murder had also got over. In that, prosecuting lawyers had not even mentioned the name of any swayamsevak. In the judgment that Justice H. Atmacharan gave, the Sangh’s name didn’t appear anywhere. During the hearing, the accused had kept aloof of Sangh in the long statement that he read out in front of the judge. Thus, the case, the accused and the judge – all three had left out Sangh. In short, the triumvirate came to conclusion that hearts of the swayamsevaks in jail were still ready for the struggle and ready to bear with more pain, but there was serious shortage of funds when they looked towards their side. They decided not to bow down. All the underground volunteers were sent out this directive all over the country. A series of contacts, discussions and broadcasting of instructions were used to hone the souls of swayamsevaks to be ready for hard work.

  The government must have received information about the movement in Sangh camp through its intelligence department. Student organisations had started functioning in different states of country. Experienced and polished workers of Sangh like Balraj Madhok, Dattopant Thengdi, Dattaji Didolkar and Nagaraj Reddy were leading this activity. Large number of students from amongst displaced citizens had joined the organisation in North.

  Simultaneously, discussions and workshops began about desirability of new political party to make real democracy more effective in the new post-independence period. Professor Malkani wrote a series of articles in the weekly, Organiser, about the possible shape of a new political party. Sangh had begun its moves. But, Sangh leadership was aware that government being run by Sardar Patel would not give way so easily. Government was hatching conspiracy to create fissures among Guruji and his followers. After receiving the letter written from Sivani jail by Guruji, Sardar Patel wrote to Dwarika Prasad Mishra, “If this letter reaches the desired destination, it will have the authentic stamp of the Chief of the organisation. In its absence there will be pulls within the organisation about the problem. As a result, we shall face split up groups rather than a well united organisation. Therefore, as a policy and strategy, it would be ideal to not let this letter reach the desired destination.”16 A manifestation of this move was shifting of Guruji under the orders of Dwarika Prasad on June 7 from Sivani jail to Baitul jail that was 200 km. away. It was clearly a vengeful step of the government. Even the imperialist British used to put political prisoners in jails like Yerwada, Naini etc. with normal facilities. Dangerous prisoners used to be sent to cellular jail of Andaman or Mandalay jail in Burma. Baitul was a younger sibling of these two jails. Guruji was put in this oven in those hot days of summer. His physical condition was not good even in Sivani. It got worse in Baitul. But, there too, he stuck to his policy of ‘no demands, no complaints.’

  Dani-Deoras duo took an aggressive stance. When a government appointed anonymous person met Bhaiyya ji Dani to get Sangh’s opinion, Bhaiyya ji showed him the typewritten copy of the document about formation of the proposed political party. Vasantrao Oke also followed the same strategy. When these details reached various ministries, many chief ministers started saying that, “we shall have to reconsider the proposal of April about ban on Sangh.” Many ministers expressed the opinion that if the Sangh entered politics, it would be transformed from a ‘brahmin’ to ‘brahmraakshas’ (from a peaceful person to a demon). It seems Nehruji’s thoughts were moving in the same direction. We can conclude so because the title of the chapter covering this issue in the words of Nehru is “The less of these bans the better”.17

  The government seemed to have made up its mind internally to somehow find a solution to this problem. To achieve this, dialogue that had broken down had to be reopened. There was an intractable hurdle here. Guruji had stopped his correspondence with the government and so had the government. Now, the dilemma was how to move ahead? Sardar Patel found a way out. Thus, Dwarika Prasad ji reached Delhi and stayed with Food minister Babu Rajendra Prasad. He called Moulichandra Sharma who was known and acceptable to both the sides, and apprised him of the problem. And, he also told that this was a “directive from Sardar Patel taking rest in Dehradun”. Moulichandra ji accepted the brief immediately. He reached Nagpur on July 7. Home minister made arrangement of a car for him. He met Dani and Deoras without delay. They informed him of their experience from the beginning to date and told him that their faith in government was finished; it was fruitless to talk with these people, and requested him bluntly to leave them alone on their path. Moulichandra ji returned after meeting Mishra ji and said, “Patel ji really wants to lift the ban. If Golwalkar were to write a letter to Patel on the same issues that he had talked about in his statement last November on 2nd, that is, about national flag, system of governance, secular state etc. then it would be possible.” Dani and Deoras did not soften their stance even this time. Both said very clearly, “Whether they lift ban or not, there is no possibility of anybody from among us including Guruji of writing a word to the centre of power.” Moulichandra ji came back after meeting Mishra ji and offered a new idea for a solution. According to it, Moulichandra Sharma ji would be the person who would ask for clarification, Guruji would give him clarification in writing. Ban would be lifted on the basis of that clarification. Sangh leadership was agreeable to this, but on one condition, only on one condition. They told Moulichandra ji, “You will first give us the list of those questions, after expressing our opinion only will we pass it on to Guruji.” According to this, Moulichandra ji presented the list with 8 issues given to him by Dwarika Prasad. They were about Sangh’s faith in Indian constitution and flag, Sangh’s view about working secretly, process of election in Sangh, meaning of lif
e long oath of Sangh, admission of young boys in Sangh, process of appointment of Sarsanghchaalak, balanced representation of members and system of income and expense.

  Deoras-Dani duo didn’t find anything unacceptable in this list. Actually, Guruji had given answer to most of these issues already. So, rather than getting stuck with it, they wrote together a detailed letter to Guruji, sealed it in an envelope and while handing it over to the mediator, they said, “Sharma ji, please do not read this, nor do allow anybody else to read it. Give it directly in Guruji’s hands. Show Guruji’s clarification directly to us, only then hand it over to Mishra ji.” He accepted the condition and while leaving said, “shubham bhavatu” ( may good things happen). He kept his word. He did not hand over the sealed envelope to Mishra ji taking refuge under his promise. Activities went ahead smoothly after this.

  Moulichandra ji reached Baitul by car on July 10. In words of Moulichandra ji, “I kept the letters in front of him after this. He said, ‘give these to me, I will sign them.’ Opposing this, I told him, ‘First read these letters properly, think over them. It is possible that some words in them may not be of your liking.’ He wrote that letter on a letter pad with his name, signed it and gave the letter to me.”18 Moulichandra ji showed it to Dani-Deoras first and then gave them to Dwarika Prasad Mishra. He read it out to Sardar Patel in Dehradun on telephone, where he was taking rest after a heart attack. Sardar gave it his acceptance and directed that the letter be sent directly to Delhi office. Dehradun-Nagpur-Delhi hotline did its work on the midnight of 11th and before sunrise on 12th July, Sangh ban was lifted.