The Spy & Lionel Lincoln

by James Fenimore Cooper

  In the mean time, though equally reluctant to shed blood, the adverse parties prepared for that final struggle which seemed to be unavoidably approaching. The situation of the colonies was now so peculiar, that it may be doubted whether history furnishes a precise parallel. Their fealty to the prince was everywhere acknowledged, while the laws which emanated from his counsellors were sullenly disregarded and set at naught. Each province possessed its distinct government, and in most of them the political influence of the crown was great; but the time had arrived when it was superseded by a moral feeling that defied the machinations and intrigues of the ministry. Such of the provincial legislatures as possessed a majority of the “Sons of Liberty,” as they who resisted the unconstitutional attempts of the ministry were termed, elected delegates to meet in a general congress to consult on the ways and means of effecting the common objects. In one or two provinces where the inequality of representation afforded a different result, the people supplied the deficiencies by acting in their original capacity. This body, meeting, unlike conspirators, with the fearless confidence of integrity, and acting under the excitement of a revolution in sentiment, possessed an influence, which, at a later day, has been denied to their more legally constituted successors. Their recommendations possessed all the validity of laws, without incurring their odium. While, as the organ of their fellow-subjects, they still continued to petition and remonstrate, they did not forget to oppose, by such means as were then thought expedient, the oppressive measures of the ministry.

  An association was recommended to the people, for those purposes that are amply expressed in the three divisions which were significantly given to the subjects, in calling them by the several names of ‘non-importation,’ ‘non-exportation,’ and ‘non-consumption resolutions.’ These negative expedients were all that was constitutionally in their power,† and throughout the whole controversy, there had been a guarded care not to exceed the limits which the laws had affixed to the rights of the subject. Though no overt act of resistance was committed, they did not, however, neglect such means as were attainable, to be prepared for the last evil, whenever it should arrive. In this manner a feeling of resentment and disaffection was daily increasing throughout the provinces, while in Massachusetts Bay, the more immediate scene of our story, the disorder in the body politic seemed to be inevitably gathering to its head.

  The great principles of the controversy had been blended, in different places, with various causes of local complaint, and in none more than in the town of Boston. The inhabitants of this place had been distinguished for an early, open, and fearless resistance to the ministry. An armed force had long been thought necessary to intimidate this spirit, to effect which the troops were drawn from different parts of the provinces, and concentrated in this devoted town.‡ Early in 1774, a military man was placed in the executive chair of the province, and an attitude of more determination was assumed by the government. One of the first acts of this gentleman, who held the high station of Lieutenant-General, and who commanded all the forces of the king in America, was to dissolve the colonial assembly. About the same time a new charter was sent from England, and a material change was contemplated in the polity of the colonial government. From this moment the power of the king, though it was not formally denied, became virtually suspended. A provincial congress was elected, and assembled within seven leagues of the capital, where they continued, from time to time, to adopt such measures as the exigencies of the times were thought to render necessary. Men were enrolled, disciplined, and armed, as well as the imperfect means of the colony would allow. These troops, who were no more than the élite of the inhabitants, had little else to recommend them besides their spirit, and their manual dexterity with fire-arms. From the expected nature of their service, they were not unaptly termed “minute-men.” The munitions of war were seized, and hoarded with a care and diligence that showed the character of the impending conflict.

  On the other hand, General Gage adopted a similar course of preparation and prevention, by fortifying himself in the strong hold which he possessed, and by anticipating the intentions of the colonists, in their attempts to form magazines, whenever it was in his power. He had an easy task in the former, both from the natural situation of the place he occupied, and the species of force he commanded.

  Surrounded by broad and chiefly by deep waters, except at one extremely narrow point, and possessing its triple hills, which are not commanded by any adjacent eminences, the peninsula of Boston could, with a competent garrison, easily be made impregnable, especially when aided by a superior fleet. The works erected by the English General were, however, by no means of magnitude, for it was well known that the whole park of the colonists could not exceed some half dozen pieces of field artillery, with a small battering train composed of old and cumbrous ship guns. Consequently, when Lionel arrived in Boston, he found a few batteries thrown up on the eminences, some of which were intended as much to control the town, as to repel an enemy from without, while lines were drawn across the neck which communicated with the main. The garrison consisted of something less than five thousand men, besides which, there was a fluctuating force of seamen and marines, as the vessels of war arrived and departed.

  All this time, there was no other interruption to the intercourse between the town and the country, than such as unavoidably succeeded the stagnation of trade, and the distrust engendered by the aspect of affairs. Though numberless families had deserted their homes, many known whigs continued to dwell in their habitations, where their ears were deafened by the sounds of the British drums, and where their spirits were but too often galled by the sneers of the officers, on the uncouth military preparations of their countrymen. Indeed an impression had spread further than among the idle and thoughtless youths of the army, that the colonists were but little gifted with martial qualities; and many of their best friends in Europe were in dread lest an appeal to force should put the contested points forever at rest, by proving the incompetency of the Americans to maintain them to the last extremity.

  In this manner both parties stood at bay; the people living in perfect order and quiet, without the administration of law, sullen, vigilant, and, through their leaders, secretly alert; and the army, gay, haughty, and careless of the consequences, though far from being oppressive or insolent, until after the defeat of one or two abortive excursions into the country in quest of arms. Each hour, however, was rapidly adding to the disaffection on one side, and to the contempt and resentment on the other, through numberless public and private causes, that belong rather to history than to a legend like this. All extraordinary occupations were suspended, and men awaited the course of things in anxiety. It was known that the parliament, instead of retracing its political errors, had imposed new restraints, and, as has been mentioned, it was also rumoured that regiments and fleets were on their way to enforce them.

  How long a country could exist in such a primeval condition, remained to be seen, though it was difficult to say when or how it was to terminate. The people of the land appeared to slumber, but, like vigilant and wary soldiers, they might be said to sleep on their arms; while the troops assumed each day, more of that fearful preparation, which gives, even to the trained warrior, a more martial aspect—though both parties still continued to manifest a becoming reluctance to shed blood.

  * The true nature of the political connection between England and America seems never to have been very distinctly understood. As each province had its own constitution, or charter, all of which were essentially republican, and several perfectly democratical, the only legitimate tie was the prerogative of the crown. The superior influence of a metropolitan country, even in cases of acknowledged equality in other respects, certain reserved rights to control trade, and the divided nature of the American governments themselves, always secured to England, however, an ascendancy. Still the Americans clearly considered themselves as independent of the English nation, for Virginia was the last to dethrone C
harles I., and the first to restore his son. After the execution of the former, there was probably no choice but submission to the parliament as his substitute, or conquest. But, even admitting that England was a free agent in the revolution of 1688, America never consented to put the power of the English aristocracy in the place of the prerogative. It is probable that neither hemisphere foresaw the result; but it is certain that an aristocracy, calling itself Parliament, arose on the ruins of the prerogative, while, in truth, the prerogative was the only legal tie between England and America. The revolution of 1688 completely changed the position of the king and the aristocracy. Before that period the king ruled, checked by the aristocracy; and since that period the aristocracy have ruled, checked, as far as circumstances would allow, by king and people. The fact that the aristocracy of England affected to act by means of the prerogative, rendered it difficult for America to deny their right; though it is evident that, so far as the principle of the tie between the two countries was concerned, it was grossly violated when the king was put in a worse situation than he was before. It is easy to imagine circumstances in which the English aristocrat, to protect his local interests, would invade the rights of the Americans, and to which a king, who had an equal sovereignty in the two countries, would oppose his veto. But the revolution of 1688 gave its death-blow to the legislative power of the crown.

  It should always be remembered, that England never, de jure nor de facto, governed America. The whole of New England was nearly, if not quite, as democratical before the revolution as since, and the other colonies were all more or less so. Thus, Rhode Island has no other constitution, at this hour, than its ancient charter, and Connecticut only changed its charter for a constitution in 1818. Both these states have always chosen their own executives. These extraordinary immunities were granted as encouragements to adventurers, and when the crown was desirous of retracting them, the people menaced resistance and prevailed. The unsuccessful attempt of Sir Edward Andros, in 1686, to deprive Connecticut of its charter, is well known. These innovations, which were attempted in other colonies, probably reconciled the Americans to the changes of 1688.

  He who carefully considers the theory of the allegiance of America, will see that it was encumbered with contradictions that, sooner or later, must have produced a crisis. [1832]

  † The control of trade, out of their provinces, was never conceded to the Americans until the peace of 1783. [1832]

  ‡ The Americans denied the right of the king to keep troops among them, in time of peace, without the consent of their own legislatures. [1832]

  Chapter VI

  “Would he were fatter:—but I fear him not:—

  Seldom he smiles; and smiles in such a sort,

  As if he mocked himself, and scorned his spirit

  That could be moved to smile at any thing.”

  Julius Caesar.

  * * *

  IN THE COURSE of the succeeding week Lionel acquired a knowledge of many minor circumstances relating to the condition of the colonies, which may be easily imagined as incidental to the times, but which it would greatly exceed our limits to relate. He was received by his brethren in arms with that sort of cordiality that a rich, high-spirited, and free, if not a jovial comrade, was certain of meeting among men who lived chiefly for pleasure and appearance. Certain indications of more than usually important movements were discovered among the troops, the first day of the week, and his own condition in the army was in some measure affected by the changes. Instead of joining his particular regiment, he was ordered to hold himself in readiness to take a command in the light corps which had begun its drill for the service that was peculiar to such troops. As it was well known that Boston was Major Lincoln’s place of nativity, the commander-in-chief, with the indulgence and kindness of his character, granted to him, however, a short respite from duty, in order that he might indulge in the feelings natural to his situation. It was soon generally understood, that major Lincoln, though intending to serve with the army in America, should the sad alternative of an appeal to arms become necessary, had permission to amuse himself in such a manner as he saw fit, for two months from the date of his arrival. Those who affected to be more wise than common, saw, or thought they saw, in this arrangement, a deep laid plan on the part of Gage, to use the influence and address of the young provincial among his connexions and natural friends, to draw them back to those sentiments of loyalty which it was feared so many among them had forgotten to entertain. But it was the characteristic of the times to attach importance to trifling incidents, and to suspect a concealed policy in movements which emanated only in inclination.

  There was nothing, however, in the deportment, or manner of life adopted by Lionel, to justify any of these conjectures. He continued to dwell in the house of Mrs. Lechmere, in person, though, unwilling to burthen the hospitality of his aunt too heavily, he had taken lodgings in a dwelling at no great distance, where his servants resided, and where, it was generally understood, that his visits of ceremony and friendship were to be received. Captain Polwarth did not fail to complain loudly of this arrangement, as paralyzing at once all the advantages he had anticipated from enjoying the entré to the dwelling of his mistress, in the right of his friend. But as the establishment of Lionel was supported with much of that liberality which was becoming in a youth of his large fortune, the exuberant light-infantry officer found many sources of consolation in the change, which could not have existed, had the staid Mrs. Lechmere presided over the domestic department. Lionel and Polwarth had been boys together at the same school, members of the same college at Oxford, and subsequently for many years, comrades in the same corps. Though, perhaps, no two men in their regiment were more essentially different, in mental as well as physical constitution, yet, by that unaccountable caprice which causes us to like our opposites, it is certain that no two gentlemen in the service were known to be on better terms, or to maintain a more close and unreserved intimacy. It is unnecessary to dilate here on this singular friendship; it occurs every day, between men still more discordant, the result of accident and habit, and is often, as in the present instance, cemented by unconquerable good nature in one of the parties. For this latter qualification, captain Polwarth was eminent, if for no other. It contributed quite as much as his science in the art of living, to the thriving condition of the corporeal moiety of the man, and it rendered a communion with the less material part at all times inoffensive, if not agreeable.

  On the present occasion, the captain took charge of the internal economy of Lionel’s lodgings, with a zeal which he did not even pretend was disinterested. By the rules of the regiment he was compelled to live nominally with the mess, where he found his talents and his wishes fettered by divers indispensable regulations, and economical practices, that could not be easily overleaped; but with Lionel, just such an opportunity offered for establishing rules of his own, and of disregarding expenditure, as he had been long pining for in secret. Though the poor of the town were, in the absence of employment, necessarily supported by large contributions of money, clothing, and food, which were transmitted to their aid from the furthermost parts of the colonies, the markets were not yet wanting in all the necessaries of life, to those who enjoyed the means of purchasing. With this disposition of things, therefore, he became well content, and within the first fortnight after the arrival of Lionel, it became known to the mess, that captain Polwarth took his dinners regularly with his old friend, major Lincoln; though in truth the latter was enjoying, more than half the time, the hospitality of the respective tables of the officers of the staff.

  In the mean time Lionel cultivated his acquaintance in Tremont-street, where he still slept, with an interest and assiduity that the awkwardness of his first interview would not have taught us to expect. With Mrs. Lechmere, it is true, he made but little progress in intimacy; for, equally formal and polite, she was at all times enshrouded in a cloud of artificial, but cold management, that gave h
im little opportunity, had he possessed the desire, to break through the reserve of her calculating temperament. With his more youthful kinswomen, the case was, however, in a very few days, entirely reversed. Agnes Danforth, who had nothing to conceal, began insensibly to yield to the manliness and grace of his manner, and before the end of the first week, she maintained the rights of the colonists, laughed at the follies of the officers, and then acknowledged her own prejudices, with a familiarity and good-humour that soon made her, in her turn, a favourite with her English cousin, as she termed Lionel. But he found the demeanor of Cecil Dynevor much more embarrassing, if not inexplicable. For days she would be distant, silent, and haughty, and then again, as it were by sudden impulses, she became easy and natural; her whole soul beaming in her eyes, or her innocent and merry humour breaking through the bounds of restraint, and rendering not only herself, but all around her, happy and delighted. Full many an hour did Lionel ponder on this unaccountable difference in the manner of this young lady, at different moments. There was a secret excitement in the very caprices of her humours, that had a piquant interest in his eyes, and which, aided by her exquisite form and intelligent face, gradually induced him to become a more close observer of their waywardness, and consequently a more assiduous attendant on her movements. In consequence of this assiduity, the manner of Cecil grew, almost imperceptibly, less variable, and more uniformly attractive, while Lionel, by some unaccountable oversight, soon forgot to note its changes, or even to miss the excitement.