Delphi Complete Works of Dio Chrysostom

by Dio Chrysostom

  [67] And yet if at first it was for love of Paris that she stayed in Troy, why did she consent to stay on as the story goes, she came to love Deïphobus too? For the Trojans in all probability could have been induced to surrender her, since they were ready to do that. If she, however, had reason to fear the Achaeans, it would only have been necessary to arrive at terms of peace first. Indeed, the Achaeans would have been glad to get out of the war, since they had lost many of their best men. Enough! There was no truth in the tale of Helen’s abduction, nor were the Trojans responsible for the war, and therefore they confidently expected victory. For men fight to the last ditch when they are being wronged.

  [68] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν μὴ ἄλλως νόμιζε πραχθῆναι ἢ ὡς ἐγὼ λέγω. πολὺ γὰρ πιστότερον ἑκόντα Τυνδάρεων κηδεῦσαι τοῖς βασιλεῦσι τῆς Ἀσίας, καὶ Μενέλἁ̣̣̓ν τῆς μνηστείας ἀπελπίσαντα βαρέως ἐνεγκεῖν, καὶ Ἀγαμέμνονα φοβηθῆναι [p. 133] τοὺς Πριαμίδας μὴ κατάσχωσι τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἀκούοντα καὶ Πέλοπα τὸν αὑτοῦ πρόγονον, ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς ὄντα χώρας, διὰ τὸ κῆδος τὸ Οἰνομάου τὴν Πελοπόννησον κατασχεῖν, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἡγεμόνας συνάρασθαι τοῦ πολέμου, μνησικακοῦντας, ὅτι αὐτὸς ἕκαστος οὐκ ἔγημεν, ἢ ἐρασθῆναι μὲν Ἀλέξανδρον ἧς ἠγνόει γυναικός, ἐπιτρέψαι δὲ αὐτῷ τὸν πατέρα πλεῦσαι τοιαύτης ἕνεκα πράξεως, καὶ ταῦτα, ὥς φασιν, οὐ πάλαι τῆς Τροίας ἁλούσης ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ Λαομέδοντος ἀποθανόντος:

  [68] “I assure you,” the priest continued, “these things happened just as I have described them. For it is much more plausible that Tyndareus voluntarily formed a marriage alliance with the kings of Asia, that Menelaus was angered by having to give up his suit, that Agamemnon was alarmed lest the descendants of Priam should get control of Greece, hearing, as he did, that his own forefather, Pelops, who came from that same Asia, gained control of the Peloponnesus by his connection with Oenomaüs, and that the remaining leaders took part in the war, each with revenge rankling in his heart because he had not been the accepted suitor — this, I say, is much more plausible than that Paris fell in love with a woman he did not know and that his father permitted him to sail on such an enterprise, although, according to the story, Troy had but recently been taken by the Greeks and Priam’s father, Laomedon, slain;

  [69] ὕστερον δὲ πολεμουμένους καὶ τοσαῦτα κακὰ πάσχοντας μὴ θέλειν ἐκδοῦναι μήτε ζῶντος Ἀλεξάνδρου μήτε ἀποθανόντος, οὐδεμίαν ἐλπίδα ἔχοντας τῆς σωτηρίας: τὴν δὲ Ἑλένην ἐρασθῆναι μὲν ξένου ἀνδρός, ᾧ τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐκ εἰκὸς αὐτὴν ἐν ὁμιλίᾳ γενέσθαι, καταλιποῦσαν δὲ τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τοὺς οἰκείους καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα μετ᾽ αἰσχύνης ἐλθεῖν εἰς ἀνθρώπους μισοῦντας: πάντα ταῦτα δὲ γιγνόμενα μηδένα κωλῦσαι, καὶ μήτε ἐξιοῦσαν αὐτήν, καὶ ταῦτα πεζῇ, ἕως θαλάττης μήτε ἀποπλεύσασαν διῶξαι, συνάρασθαι δὲ τοῦ στόλου τὴν Θησέως μητέρα πρεσβυτέραν καὶ δῆλον ὅτι μισοῦσαν τὴν Ἑλένην:

  [69] and that afterwards in spite of the war and their countless hardships the Trojans refused to surrender Helen either when Paris was living or after he died, although they had no hope for safety; much more reasonable than that Helen gave her affection to a stranger with whom she had probably never come in contact at all and shamefully abandoned her fatherland, relatives, and husband to come to a people who hated her. How incredible too that no one should have nipped all these doings in the bud, or sought to catch her while she was hurrying to the sea, and on foot too, or pursued after she had embarked, and that the mother of Theseus, an elderly woman, who certainly hated Helen, should have accompanied her on the journey.

  [70] ὕστερον δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου τελευτήσαντος, οὗ λέγεται ἐρᾶν, Δηιφόβῳ συνεῖναι, καθάπερ οἶμαι κἀκείνῳ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ὑποσχομένης, καὶ μήτε αὐτὴν ἐθέλειν ἀπιέναι παρὰ τὸν αὑτῆς ἄνδρα μήτε τοὺς Τρῶας ἀποδοῦναι τὴν Ἑλένην βίᾳ, μέχρι ἁλῶναι τὴν πόλιν. τούτων οὐθὲν εἰκὸς οὐδὲ δυνατόν. ἔτι δὲ καὶ τόδε πρὸς τοῖς εἰρημένοις. τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἅπαντας Ἀχαιούς φησιν Ὅμηρος κοινωνῆσαι, οἷς ἧττον ἔμελε, τῆς δυνάμεως: Κάστορα δὲ καὶ Πολυδεύκην μόνους

  [70] Afterwards too it is just as unlikely that on the death of Paris, whom they say Helen loved, she should have been the wife of Deïphobus — I suppose because Aphrodite had promised her to him also — and that not only she should have been unwilling to return to her husband, but that the Trojans should not have been unwilling, until their city was captured, to surrender her through compulsion. All that is improbable and indeed impossible. The same applies also to the following.

  “According to Homer, all the other Greeks, in spite of the fact that they had but a secondary interest in the dispute, took part in the expedition, while Castor and Pollux, who had been most deeply injured, did not go.

  [71] μὴ ἀφικέσθαι, τοὺς μάλιστα ὑβρισμένους. ταύτην δὲ τὴν ἀλογίαν κρύπτων Ὅμηρος πεποίηκε θαυμάζουσαν τὴν Ἑλένην: ἔπειτα αὐτὸς ἀπελογήσατο, εἰπὼν ὅτι τεθνήκεσαν πρότερον. οὐκοῦν τό γε ζώντων αὐτὴν ἁρπασθῆναι δῆλόν ἐστιν. ἔπειταπῶς Ἀγαμέμνονα περιέμενον δέκα ἔτη διατρίβοντα καὶ συνάγοντα στρατιάν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ εὐθὺς ἐδίωξαν τὴν ἀδελφήν, μάλιστα μὲν εἰ κατὰ πλοῦν ἕλοιεν:

  [71] Homer in veiling this blunder has represented Helen as expressing her astonishment and then, made excuse for them himself by saying that they had died before this. Hence it is evident that they were still living when she was carried off. And yet did they wait ten years for Agamemnon to waste time and muster an army instead of pursuing their sister at once in the hope of taking her on the voyage if possible, or else waging war with their own force if they failed?

  [72] εἰ δ᾽ οὖν, ὡς πολεμήσοντες μετὰ τῆς αὑτῶν δυνάμεως; οὐ γὰρ [p. 134] ἐπὶ Θησέα μὲν ἦλθον εὐθύς, ἄνδρα Ἕλληνα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἄριστον, ἔτι δὲ αὐτόν τε πολλῶν ἄρχοντα καὶ Ἡρακλέους ἑταῖρον καὶ Πειρίθου καὶ Θετταλοὺς καὶ Βοιωτοὺς ἔχοντα συμμάχους: ἐπὶ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρον οὐκ ἂν ἦλθον, ἀλλὰ τοὺς Ἀτρείδας περιέμενον δέκα ἔτη συλλέγοντας τὴν δύναμιν. ἴσως γὰρ εἰκὸς ἦν καὶ αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι

  [72] I cannot believe that they would have proceeded at once against Theseus, a man of Greek blood and peerless in valour, a ruler also of many and a comrade of Heracles and Peirithoüs with Thessalians and Boeotians to help him, and yet would not have proceeded against Paris but would have waited ten years for the Atreidae to muster their forces. Why, perhaps we should have expect Tyndareus himself to go and to find his years no hindrance.

  [73]
τὸν Τυνδάρεων καὶ μηθὲν αὐτὸν κωλῦσαι τὴν ἡλικίαν. οὐ γὰρ δὴ Νέστορος παλαιότερος ἦν οὐδὲ Φοίνικος, οὐδὲ μᾶλλον ἐκείνους προσῆκον ἦν ἀγανακτεῖν ἢ τὸν πατέρα αὐτόν. ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε αὐτὸς οὔτε οἱ παῖδες ἧκον οὐδὲ ἦν αὐτοῖς βουλομένοις τὰ τῆς στρατείας. ἑκόντες γὰρ αὐτοὶ τὴν Ἑλένην ἐξέδωκαν, προκρίναντεστῶν ἄλλων μνηστήρων τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον διὰ μέγεθος τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ ἀνδρείαν: οὐδενὸς γὰρ ἦν χείρων τὴν ψυχήν. οὔτε οὖν ἐκεῖνοι ἀφίκοντο πολεμήσοντες οὔτε Λακεδαιμονίων οὐδείς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο ψεῦδός ἐστιν ὅτι Μενέλαος ἦγε Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τῆς Σπάρτης ἐβασίλευε Τυνδάρεω ζῶντος ἔτι.

  [73] He certainly was not older than Nestor or Phoenix either, nor was it any more fitting for them to feel resentment than for the father himself. Yet neither he nor his sons came nor did they approve of the expedition. The reason was, in fact, that they had voluntarily given Helen in marriage since they preferred Paris to the other suitors on account of the greatness of his kingdom and his manly qualities, for he was no man’s inferior in character. So neither did those men come to fight nor anyone from Lacedaemon; nay, it is also untrue that Menelaus led the Lacedaemonians and was king of Sparta while Tyndareus was yet alive.

  [74] καὶ γὰρ ἦν δεινόν, εἰ Νέστωρμὲν μήτε πρότερον μήτε ὕστερον ἐλθὼν ἀπ᾽ Ἰλίου παρεχώρησε τοῖς υἱοῖς τῆς βασιλείας καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς διὰ γῆρας, Τυνδάρεως δὲ Μενελάῳ ἐξέστη. φαίνεται γὰρ καὶ ταῦτα πολλὴν ἀπορίαν ἔχοντα. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὖν ἦλθον οἱ Ἀχαιοί, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον εἴργοντο τῆς γῆς, καὶ Πρωτεσίλαός τε ἀποθνῄσκει βιαζόμενος ἀποβῆναι καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ὥστε διέπλευσαν εἰς τὴν Χερρόνησον, ὑποσπόνδους τοὺς νεκροὺς ἀνελόμενοι, κἀκεῖ θάπτουσι τὸν Πρωτεσίλαον. ἔπειτα περιπλέοντες ἀπέβαινον εἰς τὴν χώραν καὶ τῶν πολισμάτων τινὰ ἐπόρθουν.

  [74] It would have been strange indeed if Nestor, neither previous to his departure nor afterwards on his return from Troy, ceded his royal power and realm to his sons because of his age, and yet Tyndareus made way for Menelaus. These considerations also certainly raise serious difficulties.

  “Now when the Achaeans arrived, they were at first prevented from making a landing, and Protesilaüs with many others was slain in trying to force one. They therefore sailed across to the Chersonese after recovering their dead under truce, and there Protesilaüs was buried. After this they sailed around, effected a landing in the country, and sacked some of the towns,

  [75] ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος μετὰ τοῦ Ἕκτορος τὸν μὲν ὄχλον συνῆγεν ἅπαντα τὸν ἐκ τῆς χώρας εἰς τὸ ἄστυ, τὰσδὲ μικρὰς πόλεις εἴων τὰς πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ διὰ τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι πανταχοῦ βοηθεῖν. πάλιν δὲ καταπλεύσαντες εἰς τὸν Ἀχαιῶν λιμένα νυκτὸς ἔλαθον ἀποβάντες, καὶ ναύσταθμον περιεβάλοντο καὶ τάφρον ὤρυξαν φοβούμενοι τὸν Ἕκτορα καὶ τοὺς Τρῶας, καὶ μᾶλλον ὡς αὐτοὶ πολιορκησόμενοι παρεσκευάζοντο.

  [75] whereupon Paris and Hector brought all the country folk into the city, but left the small towns on the coast to their fate through inability to furnish help everywhere. The enemy then sailed back to the harbour of the Achaeans and landed under of darkness, built a wall about their ships, and dug a trench because they feared Hector and the Trojans, and made preparations as if it were they who expected a siege.

  [76] οἱ δὲ τὰμὲν ἄλλα συγχωροῦσιν Ὁμήρῳ, τὸ δὲ τεῖχος οὔ φασιν αὐτὸν γενόμενον λέγειν, ὅτι πεποίηκεν ὕστερον Ἀπόλλωνα καὶ Ποσειδῶνα [p. 135] τοὺς ποταμοὺς ἐφιέντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ ἀφανίσαντας: ὃ πάντων πιθανώτατόν ἐστι, κατακλυσθῆναι τὰ θεμέλια τοῦ τείχους. ἔτι γὰρ καὶ νῦν οἱ ποταμοὶ λιμνάζουσι τὸν τόπον καὶ πολὺ τῆς θαλάττης προσκεχώκασι.

  [76] “Now while the Egyptians agree with Homer on the other points, they insist that he does not speak of the wall as having been finished, their reason being that he has represented Apollo and Poseidon as having at a later time sent the rivers against it and swept it away. The most plausible explanation of it all was merely the foundations of the wall that were inundated. Indeed, even in our day the rivers still make a marsh of the place and have deposited silt far out into the sea.

  [77] τὸν δὲ λοιπὸν χρόνον τὰ μὲν ἐποίουν κακῶς, τὰ δ᾽ ἔπασχον, καὶ μάχαι μὲν οὐ πολλαὶ ἐγένοντο ἐκ παρατάξεως: οὐ γὰρ ἐθάρρουν προσιέναι πρὸς τὴν πόλιν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν ἀνδρείαν τῶν ἔνδοθεν: ἀκροβολισμοὶ δὲ καὶ κλωπεῖαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων: καὶ Τρωίλος τε οὕτως ἀποθνῄσκει παῖς ὢν ἔτι καὶ Μήστωρ καὶ ἄλλοι πλείους. ἦν γὰρ ὁ Ἀχιλλεὺς ἐνεδρεῦσαι δεινότατος καὶ νυκτὸς ἐπιθέσθαι.

  [77] “In the years that followed, the Greeks both did and suffered damage. However, not many pitched battles were fought, since they did not dare to approach the city because of the number and courage of the inhabitants. Skirmishes and forays there were on the part of the Greeks, and it was thus that Troïlus, still a boy, perished, and Mestor and many others; for Achilles was very skilful in laying ambushes and making night attacks.

  [78] ὅθεν Αἰνείαν τε οὕτως ἐπελθὼν ὀλίγου ἀπέκτεινεν ἐν τῇ Ἴδῃ καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους κατὰ τὴν χώραν, καὶ τῶν φρουρίων ᾕρει τὰ κακῶς φυλαττόμενα: οὐδὲ γὰρ τῆς γῆς ἐπεκράτουν οἱ Ἀχαιοὶ ἀλλ᾽ ἢ μόνον τοῦ στρατοπέδου. τεκμήριον δέ: οὐ γὰρ ἄν ποτε Τρωίλος ἔξω τοῦ τείχους ἐγυμνάζετο, καὶ ταῦτα μακρὰν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως, οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐγεώργουν τὴν Χερρόνησον, ὡς ὁμολογοῦσι πάντες, εἴπερ ἐκράτουν τῆς Τρῳάδος, οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐκ Λήμνου οἶνος ἐκομίζετο αὐτοῖς.

  [78] In this way he almost caught and slew Aeneas upon Mount Ida and many others throughout the country, and he captured any forts that were poorly guarded. For the Achaeans had only a foothold for their camp and did not control the country. Here is a proof: Troïlus would never have ventured outside the walls for exercise, and far from the city too, nor would the Achaeans have tilled the Chersonese, as all agree they did, if they had been in control of the Troad, nor would they have gone to Lemnos for wine.

  [79] κακῶς δὲ φερομένων τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ μηδενὸς ἀποβαίνοντος ὧν ἤλπισαν, ἀλλὰ συμμάχων ἐπιρρεόντων ἀεὶ τοῖς Τρωσὶ πλειόνων, λοιμός τε καὶ λιμὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπίεζε καὶ στάσις ἐγένετο τῶν ἡγεμόνων, ὅπερ εἴωθεν ὡς τὸ �
�ολὺ γίγνεσθαι τοῖς κακῶς πράττουσιν, οὐ τοῖς κρατοῦσιν.

  [79] “As the Achaeans met with misfortune in the war and realized none of their expectations, while more and more allies were flocking to the Trojans, hunger and disease began to oppress them and dissension broke out among their leaders, as generally happens to the unsuccessful side, not to the victors.

  [80] ὁμολογεῖ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ Ὅμηρος: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐδύνατο πάντα τἀληθῆ ἀποκρύψασθαι: ἐν οἷς φησι τὸν Ἀγαμέμνονα ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγεῖν τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὡς ἀπάξοντα τὸ στράτευμα, δῆλον ὅτι τοῦ πλήθους χαλεπῶς φέροντος καὶ ἀπιέναι βουλομένου, καὶ τὸν ὄχλον ὁρμῆσαι πρὸς τὰς ναῦς: τὸν δὲ Νέστορα καὶ τὸν Ὀδυσσέα κατασχεῖν μόλις μαντείαν τινὰ προβαλλομένους καὶ ὀλίγον εἶναι χρόνον φάσκοντας,

  [80] Even Homer acknowledges this, since he could not hide all the facts. For example, he tells how Agamemnon called an assembly of the Greeks as though intending to withdraw his army, undoubtedly because the troops were dissatisfied and wished to go home; how, too, the mob rushed to the ships, and Nestor and Odysseus barely managed to restrain them by invoking an old prophecy and declaring that their patience was required but a little while longer.

  [81] ὃν ἐδέοντο αὐτῶν ὑπομεῖναι. τὸν δὲ μάντιν τούτων Ἀγαμέμνων ἐν τοῖς ἄνω ἔπεσί φησι μηδὲν πώποτε ἀληθὲς μαντεύεσθαι. [p. 136] μέχρι μὲν οὖν τούτων ἐφεξῆς οὐ πάνυ φαίνεται τῶν ἀνθρώπων καταφρονῶν Ὅμηρος, ἀλλὰ τρόπον τινὰ ἔχεσθαι τἀληθοῦς, εἰ μή γε τὰ περὶ τὴν ἁρπαγὴν οὐκ αὐτὸς ὡς γενόμενα διηγούμενος, ἀλλ᾽ Ἕκτορα ποιήσας ὀνειδίζοντα Ἀλεξάνδρῳ καὶ Ἑλένην ὀδυρομένην πρὸς Πρίαμον, καὶ αὐτὸν Ἀλέξανδρον μεμνημένον ἐν τῇσυνουσίᾳ τῇ πρὸς τὴν Ἑλένην, ὃ πάντων σαφέστατα ἔδει ῥηθῆναι καὶ μετὰ πλείστης σπουδῆς: ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν μονομαχίαν.