The Death of Politics

by Peter Wehner

  Politics rightly understood isn’t about fun and games, about entertainment and stagecraft. Nor is it merely about expressing one’s own values and excoriating the other person’s. It’s about the hard and intricate work of solving pressing human problems; about getting more big things right than wrong, and in the process making the world a little bit better, a little less inhumane, a little more just.

  You and I, our friends and neighbors, our colleagues and acquaintances are the true authors of the American story. We are not like a cork caught in ocean currents, powerless to shape our future. We can shape the outcome of events.

  The problems we face as a nation, while significant, are hardly beyond our control or capacity to repair. It is cynical nonsense to assume that what you say and do doesn’t matter. The history of America would have been profoundly different if in 1860 it had elected John Breckinridge, Stephen A. Douglas, or John Bell as president instead of Abraham Lincoln.

  We’re not facing a civil war, a world war, or a great depression. In fact, as I write these words, America faces no external crisis at all. Instead it faces a crisis of confidence and of comprehension: confidence in the ability of politics to navigate adequately—never perfectly, but adequately—the many conflicts and dilemmas that confront our country; and comprehension of the complexity and compromise that every politician needs to cope with.

  True, complaining about politics and politicians is the American way, and it’s justified—up to a point. But when it gives way to nihilism, cynicism, and the abdication of governing’s hard choices, then it verges on the kind of civic corruption that Juvenal complained of.

  As a remedy for nihilism and cynicism, it may be helpful to remember that the politicians who led us through the Civil War, two world wars, and the depression were made of the same flawed human stuff as are the politicians of today. Americans are fortunate that several of them were great, and greatness is certainly in short supply today. But it usually is. And even the great ones made mistakes along the way. In addition, the political systems of their eras, like ours today, struggled with corruption, inefficiency, and disputatiousness.

  Politics will never be pretty, but it just needs to work. And for that, it needs a public that will allow it to work.

  WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?

  In June 1966, Senator Robert Kennedy undertook a five-day trip to South Africa during the worst years of apartheid. In the course of the visit, Kennedy met with Nobel Peace Prize winner Chief Albert Lutuli, who had been banned by the government and forced to live in a remote rural area. Kennedy visited Soweto, the largest black township; Stellenbosch, the pro-apartheid Afrikaans university; Johannesburg, the largest city in South Africa; and the University of Cape Town, where he delivered one of his most memorable speeches.

  During his address, Kennedy spoke about the need to “recognize the full human equality of all our people before God, before the law, and in the councils of government.” He admitted the “wide and tragic gaps” between great ideals and reality, including in America, with our ideals constantly recalling us to our duties. In speaking to young people in particular, he warned about “the danger of futility: the belief there is nothing one man or one woman can do against the enormous array of the world’s ills—against misery and ignorance, injustice and violence.” Kennedy urged people to have the moral courage to enter the conflict, to fight for their ideals. And using words that would later be engraved on his gravesite at Arlington National Cemetery, he said this:

  Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring those ripples build a current which can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.40

  No figure of Kennedy’s stature had ever visited South Africa to make the case against institutionalized racial segregation and discrimination. The trip had an electric effect, especially on black South Africans, giving them hope that they were not alone, that the outside world knew and cared about their struggle for equality. One black journalist wrote of Kennedy, “He made us feel, more than ever, that it was still worthwhile, despite our great difficulties, for us to fight for the things that we believed in; that justice, freedom and equality for all men are things we should strive for so that our children should have a better life.”41

  Pressure from both within and outside of South Africa eventually resulted in the end of apartheid, and in 1994 Nelson Mandela, who had been imprisoned at Robben Island during Kennedy’s visit because of his antiapartheid efforts, was elected the first black president of South Africa.

  America today is not like South Africa in the 1960s. But there is a timelessness to RFK’s words, including when he said decisions of government shape all of our lives, and so much that is worthwhile can be swept away when we get things wrong.

  Throughout this book I have tried to convey the urgency of the task we face in our time; to argue that because the state of our politics is so poor, and the role politics plays in human flourishing and human suffering is so vital, we need to recover a proper sense of what it is and what it is not.

  I have made an effort to explain how we in the United States have ended up in this mess and what we can do to recover from this crisis; how religion can once again elevate our politics and not simply make matters worse. I’ve shown the power of political rhetoric, how words can build us up or tear us down, and why we need to resist those who, like America’s forty-fifth president, are seeking to use words as weapons to annihilate the concept of truth; and I have shown what we can do to support a culture of words and truth, which entails being more loyal to truth than to partisan interests.

  This book acknowledges that deep differences will always exist in our country and that the goal of politics is to find ways to live peaceably and even respectfully given those differences. It argues that the democratic virtues of moderation, compromise, and civility are necessary and vital if our society is to function well, and that politics is fundamentally about problem solving. If politics isn’t making things better in people’s lives, in ways that are concrete and practical, then it’s failing in one of its primary responsibilities. I’ve also tried to show that governing is harder than one might think, and that those who are in the political arena deserve some credit for having entered it.

  In writing this book, I’ve drawn on my personal experiences in politics and government, as well as incidents and lessons from history, with a particular focus on American history. I have brought to this effort my own baggage, imperfections, and limitations. We all see through the glass darkly, seeing things only in part. But I hope I’ve been able to convey my understanding of the purpose of politics in this book in a way that is accessible and authentic, that is both tough-minded and reasonably fair-minded. I’ve tried to present an honest account of things. If you find areas of disagreement with me in this book but still believe I’ve stayed away from caricatures, facile analysis, and simplistic solutions, then count me satisfied.

  A few years ago my friend Charles Krauthammer, who passed away last year, published a collection of his writings over the years, Things That Matter. It was originally going to be a collection of everything but politics. The working title, in fact, was, There’s More to Life Than Politics. In the end, though, he couldn’t do it, for this reason: Charles understood that much lives or dies by politics, and if you get it wrong, everything stands to be swept away. “Politics is the moat, the walls, beyond which lie the barbarians,” he wrote. “Fail to keep them at bay, and everything burns.”42

  There are many things that give purpose and meaning to our lives which lie beyond politics—human relationships, family, and friendships; music, movies, and art; sports and philosophy; poetry and books; nature and faith. Our lives are enriched through book clubs and in Bible studies, in volunteering at homeless shelters and at school events, watching our children play sports and act in plays, connecting with ol
d friends, going to NASCAR races and rodeos, visiting art museums and Disney World, hiking in the mountains and taking vacations at the beach. At its best, politics gives us the space to live our lives and pursue our passions—some grand, some ordinary, some silly—and at its very best, politics ennobles us by attaching us to great causes for justice and human dignity.

  But that can’t happen unless and until we recover a sense of the importance of politics, a respect for the craft of governing and the value of competence and excellence. Sometimes people idealize politics; when they do, it’s a mistake. But so is constantly denigrating it. Today we’re leaning far too much in the direction of denigration. We need to raise our sights, to expect more from our politicians and from ourselves.

  Ours is a remarkable republic, if we can keep it.

  Acknowledgments

  No man is an island, entire of itself,” John Donne wrote—and the same can be said of a book. That is especially true of a book like this, which was written over the course of a single year, but in important respects is the product of a lifetime in politics.

  My journey started at home and in high school, debating my social studies teachers. It included working as an intern in the Washington State senate, at several leading public policy research institutions, as a senior advisor in the White House, and in my current capacity as a contributing writer for the New York Times and The Atlantic. I have benefited from countless individuals along the way.

  In writing this book I owe special thanks to my colleague Yuval Levin. From the conception of this book to its completion, I relied on his insights, wise counsel, and superb editorial suggestions. His contributions were invaluable. Jonathan Rauch was someone I turned to because I knew he would improve the book. He exceeded my expectations in every respect, sharpening the arguments and the language. I owe a great debt of gratitude as well to Michael Gerson, whom I met in the mid-1990s and has been an indispensable source of intellectual, political, and spiritual wisdom. He helped me with this book like he has helped me with practically everything I have written since I have known him.

  I am fortunate to have such thoughtful and generous friends.

  Speaking of thoughtful and generous friends, David Brooks offered me helpful suggestions early on in the writing of this book. Beyond that, my conversations with David, along with reading his columns, have had a great influence on me.

  Kevin Cherry and Donald Harrison offered me helpful insights on individual chapters. Cherie Harder, Will Inboden, and Greg Weiner made suggestions that augmented the book. I’m thankful to each of them.

  Philip Yancey read the chapter on faith and politics, and his comments improved it. I’m most grateful to him, though, for how his writing over the years has helped me to understand grace better than I did.

  Mickey Maudlin is a superlative editor, wise and discerning. When I pitched the idea for this book to him, he enthusiastically embraced it and then proceeded to help me think it through more carefully. I’m grateful, too, for the outstanding team at HarperOne, including Anna Paustenbach, Courtney Nobile, and Suzanne Quist. My agent, Bob Barnett, is the best in the business. I thank him for his counsel.

  When I moved to Washington, DC, in the 1980s, I read one writer with particular intentionality, in hopes of improving myself as a thinker and writer. His name was Charles Krauthammer. Over the years Charles became not only a role model but a close friend. Charles, brilliant and brave, tragically died before this book was published. I miss him deeply. So do millions of others who read his incandescent columns and watched his television commentary.

  My editor at the New York Times, Aaron Retica, has worked with me on every one of my opinion pieces and made each of them better. In the process he’s become a trusted friend. I’ve only recently begun to work with Yoni Appelbaum, my editor at The Atlantic, but it’s already clear to me why he’s as widely respected as he is.

  I want to thank William Bennett, a mentor in my early years in government who among other things taught me the importance and power of ideas in politics. I have many wonderful memories working with him.

  Serving President George W. Bush—first as a speechwriter and then as director of the Office of Strategic Initiatives—was the professional honor of a lifetime. The closer I was able to observe him, the more impressed I became with him. He is a man of courage, depth, and decency.

  In the course of my years in government, I also had the privilege of working with many colleagues whose lives and work stand as arguments against cynicism about politics. The kind of integrity and commitment to the common good they demonstrated too often goes unmentioned.

  One of my first jobs after graduating from college was at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. I left there to work in the Reagan administration and returned two decades later. I am grateful to its president, Ed Whelan, for his support; and for my colleagues, whose collegiality and intellect have made working there a delight.

  I also want to extend my thanks to the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, and especially to Daniel Stid, for their encouragement, wise counsel, and generous support, without which this book could not have been written; and to the Boisi Family Foundation for its beneficence and faith in my work over the years.

  I am a person of the Christian faith, and many people have helped me in my pilgrimage. I want to thank three pastors in particular—Karel Coppock, James Forsyth, and the late Steve Hayner—who have been there when I most needed them. They are the type of people the Apostle Paul had in mind when he referred to “Christ’s ambassadors.”

  I would like to thank the publications that have allowed me to work out in their pages ideas that appear in this book, including Commentary, Christianity Today, First Things, the New York Times, Patheos, and the Religious News Service. I want to express my gratitude as well to the Miller Center at the University of Virginia, which published an essay I authored included in Crucible: The President’s First Year (University of Virginia Press); the American Enterprise Institute and its president, Arthur Books, with whom I coauthored Wealth and Justice: The Morality of Democratic Capitalism; and the Knight Foundation, which published a White Paper I wrote, “Trust, Facts and the Post-Truth Political Moment.”

  My greatest debt of gratitude is to those I treasure most—my sons, David and John Paul; my daughter, Christine, who was kind enough to take time away from her Christmas break from college to help me in the endnoting of the book and somehow made it fun; and especially my wife, Cindy. Cindy read the manuscript, made comments and suggestions that improved it, and helped me put finishing touches on it. But above all I am grateful to her for her lovingkindness and for enriching my life in every way imaginable.

  I want to thank my sisters, Patti Mushegan and Jackie Olson, and my brother, Al Wehner Jr., for a lifetime of love, laughter, and friendship.

  I dedicated this book to my parents, Inge and Alfred Wehner, who gave me life and then blessed it pretty much every day until they passed away. It was Churchill who, in writing to the wife of a friend who died, said, “Great happiness long enjoyed casts its own shadow.” My mom and dad cast long shadows. I miss them terribly, but I take comfort in knowing they are in a place where every tear has been wiped away, where the morning has begun, where all things are made new again.

  Notes

  Chapter 1: A Noble Calling

  1.John Wagner and Scott Clement, “‘It’s Just Messed Up’: Most Think Political Divisions as Bad as Vietnam Era, New Poll Shows,” Washington Post, October 28, 2017, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/its-just-messed-up-most-say-political-divisions-are-as-bad-as-in-vietnam-era-poll-shows/2017/10/27/ad304f1a-b9b6-11e7-9e58-e6288544af98_story.html?utm_term=.1f85b5f3714e.

  Chapter 2: How We Ended Up in This Mess

  1.Wagner and Clement, “‘It’s Just Messed Up.’”

  2.Jeffrey M. Jones, “In U.S., Record-Low 47% Extremely Proud to Be Americans,” Gallup, July 2, 2018, https://news.gallup.com/poll/236420/record-low-extremely-proud-americans.aspx.

  3.Wagner and
Clement, “‘It’s Just Messed Up.’”

  4.“Partisanship and Political Animosity in 2016,” Pew Research Center, June 22, 2016, http://www.people-press.org/2016/06/22/partisanship-and-political-animosity-in-2016/.

  5.Allstate/Atlantic Media, Heartland Monitor Poll 26, June 19–24, 2016, http://heartlandmonitor.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Topline_Allstate_Heartland-Monitor-Poll-XXVI_D1client_062816.pdf.

  6.Niraj Chokshi, “Trump Voters Driven by Fear of Losing Status, Not Economic Anxiety, Study Finds,” New York Times, April 24, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/24/us/politics/trump-economic-anxiety.html.

  7.Daniel Cox, Rachel Lienesch, and Robert P. Jones, “Beyond Economics: Fears of Cultural Displacement Pushed the White Working Class to Trump,” PRRI/The Atlantic, May 9, 2017, https://www.prri.org/research/white-working-class-attitudes-economy-trade-immigration-election-donald-trump/.

  8.Sabrina Tavernise, “U.S. Has Highest Share of Foreign-Born Since 1910, with More Coming from Asia,” New York Times, September 13, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/13/us/census-foreign-population.html.

  9.Kim Parker and Renee Stepler, “As U.S Marriage Rate Hovers at 50%, Education Gap in Marital Status Widens,” Pew Research Center, September 14, 2017, http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/09/14/as-u-s-marriage-rate-hovers-at-50-education-gap-in-marital-status-widens/.

  10.United States Census Bureau, “The Majority of Children Live with Two Parents, Census Bureau Reports,” November 17, 2016, https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2016/cb16-192.html.

  11.Child Trends, “Births to Unmarried Women,” September 24, 2018, https://www.childtrends.org/indicators/births-to-unmarried-women.