Stalin's Nemesis

by Michael James Melnyk

  2Ibid. Other accusations made against the Division’s Ukrainian personnel included insubordination and cowardice. See the report by SS-Oberscharführer Mekat, Waffen-SS SS-Standarte ‘Kurt Eggers’ 14.Gal.SS-KB.Zug, Berlin-Zehlendorf, den 1.8.1944, An die Standarte ‘Kurt Eggers’ Stellvertreter i.K., Sturmbannführer Kriegbaum, Geheim! Betr.: SS-KB-Zug ‘Galizien’. RS16/6 BA-MA.

  3Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 55.

  4Ibid.

  5Born 12.4.1912 in Niedercunnersdorf /Oberlausitz. A former instructor at Breslau University, Arlt took part in the war against Poland—detailed to the staff of General Blaskowitz. In 1939 he joined Hans Franks’ administration in the General Governement and participated in the formation of ‘Roland’ and ‘Nachtigall’. In August 1943, Arlt transferred to the eastern front for service in the ‘Das Reich’ Waffen-SS Division, in which he gained practical experience of the real conditions in the east and on 18 February 1944, he was wounded at Jampoland and sent home. Extensive bibliographical details can be found in ‘Lebenslauf von Dr Fritz Arlt’—Fritz Arlt, Polen Ukrainer Juden Politik, pp. 143-145.

  6Himmler approved the formation of the Leitstelle Ost in June 1944 to gain formal jurisdiction over the eastern volunteers already fighting on the German side. Berger subsequently appointed Dr Arlt as its head and charged him with the task of raising and organising volunteer formations composed of eastern nationals within SS formations. Arlt accepted the position with the proviso that he was ‘authorised to concede national autonomy to the same extent to both those formations made up of the outlying nationalities and those made up of Russians’. Without the authority to make such far reaching concessions, Berger nevertheless permitted Arlt to pursue his own course without interference. Arlt promptly created a number of separate bureau’s within his organisation for Belorussia, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Russia, and the Caucasian countries (thus upholding the principal of political separateness). See Thorwald, The Illusion ..., op cit.; p. 189.

  7For an account of the rising, see The Warsaw Rising, Gunter Deschner. Amongst the forces involved in suppressing the rising was a unit of a Ukrainian Schuma Battalion which was at that time completely distinct from the Galician Division.

  8Another contributory factor may have been the Division’s closeness to the UPA which various agencies within the SS establishment were keen to exploit in the war against the Soviets. The issue of contact between UPA and the Germans is a complex one and therefore deserves some further explanation. It would appear that fundamentally the UPA command continued to regard the Germans as enemies and even though local tactical requirements had resulted in some co-operation with them, such arrangements were rare and strictly forbidden. In three recorded cases when UPA commanders disobeyed these instructions, two were court-martialled, condemned to death and executed while the third escaped while trial proceedings were still pending. The reason for enforcing this policy so severely was the fear that even local co-operation might compromise the UPA in the eyes of the population against whom the Germans used inhuman terror, and in the eyes of the Allies since at every opportunity the Soviets proclaimed that the UPA was co-operating with the Germans. For their part, German commanders were forbidden to discuss any political issues or to assist the UPA with weapons. Notwithstanding the seemly intractable position of both sides, the ‘Aufnahme einer Verbindung mit den Ukrainischen Partisanen’ of 18 September 1944, stated that with the departure of the German civilian population from Ukrainian territory, no obstacle remained for the establishment of links with the insurgents, thus the Reichsführer-SS gave his permission for such contacts to take place. For details of one instance of mutual co-operation after this date which involved a German reconnaissance raid which took place behind Soviet lines from 6 October–7 November 1944, with Ukrainian help, named ‘Operation Kirn’, see James Lucas, The Last Year …, pp. 120-126. According to a former UPA battalion commander its policy was as follows; ‘To fight without mercy against the [NAZI] party members, SD, and Gestapo. To be tolerant to the Wehrmacht. Not to attack individual soldiers who were captured and to exchange higher officers for political prisoners. To disarm ordinary soldiers and non commissioned officers and then to release them allowing them to return home.’ Skorupskyi, U nastupakh …, p. 218.

  9In his post-war NKVD interrogation report Bisanz states: ‘I had no direct connection with the fighting of the Division Galicia. My responsibility was mainly the support and continuation of its existence and actually was limited to my overseeing its formation; It is true that later, when German forces were driven out of L’viv, the Germans considered appointing me as the commander of the Division, but Germany was at the edge of defeat and my appointment was not realised’. Notes of Bisanz’s Interrogation. p. 24 AA. In his memoirs Heike writes; ‘[…] Bisanz said that he and Governor Wächter were taking measures to have Freitag removed as commander of the Division and replaced with someone more suitable. Bisanz asked if I could suggest anyone for the post or if I would like to take the post.[…]’. Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 84.

  10Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 55.

  11See Der Reichsführer-SS, Feld-kommandostelle, 7.8.1944, RF/M.Tgb.Nr.111/1294/44 gkdos. Point seven of this document read; ‘It must be understood that the Division, in spite of all the difficulties receives a cadre of 1,000 German NCOs . I imagine that these 1,000 NCOs will come from the Luftwaffe’. NA, T175 roll 141, frames 2669211–2669212. Heike actually states that Freitag only agreed to remain as commander of the Division if this was done. Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 63. Other measures are outlined in the secret order issued by the SS-FHA some four weeks later, see SS-Führungshauptamt, 5 Sept. 1944, Amt II Org.Abt.Ia/II, Tgb.Nr.2880/44 g.Kdos. NA T175 roll 141, frames 2669182–2669183.

  12Der Reichsführer-SS, Feld-kommandostelle, 7.8.1944, RF/M.Tgb.Nr.111/1294/44 gkdos. NA, T175 roll 141, frames 2669211–2669212. The relative order was not issued by the SS-FHA until 5 September 1944, NA, T175 roll 141, frames 2669182–2669183.

  13Ibid.

  14Wächter to the Wehrausschuss Galicia, Kracow, 10 August 1944, ABFC. In the letter, Wächter thanked the Military Board for its past co-operation and asked it to continue to contribute to the numerical strengthening and internal consolidation of the Division over the next few months.

  15A full account of the incident was provided in a letter to author dated 1 August 1996, by E. Shypailo who was present on that occasion, also R. Herasymowycz 13 September 1996, and in the unpublished memoirs of Roman Hawrylak, p. 15. Heike also mentions the incident in his memoir, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 53.

  16Ferkuniak, Spomyny …, op cit.; p. 30.

  17Initially meant to accommodate only Polish prisoners of war, subsequently it was used as an extermination camp and many thousands of Soviet soldiers died there. In June 1942 Stalag VIIIE became a branch of Stalag VIIIC in Zagan.

  18The Zeltbahn was a multi-purpose piece of equipment, issued to every soldier at the start of his basic training. This simple but ingenious item could be combined to make tents or shelters of various sizes, used as a rain cape, an improvised floatation device or an emergency stretcher.

  19Email to author J. Ferencevych, 14 June 2010.

  20Keczun, Memoir, op. cit.; p. 18.

  21Ibid., Interview V. Veryha, Toronto, 21 June 1999, Letter to author I. Sadovey, 25 December 1998.

  22Ferkuniak, Spomyny …, op cit.; p. 35.

  23Ibid., pp. 30-31.

  2414.Waffen.Gre.Div.der SS (gal.Nr.1) Einsatz: Ostfront, Südabschnitt Verleihungsliste Nr.I., fur Eiserne Kreuze 1.Klasse, SA.

  25RH7/1804, RH7A/652 BA-MA, 2.1.1. Kriegsverdienstkreuz 14-SS-Freiwilligen-Division, 14 Waffen-Grenadier-Division der SS (Galizische Nr 1) Apr.44–Jan.45.

  26See Staff.-Gren.Div.der SSgal Nr.I.Einsatz: Ostfront, Sudabschnitt Verleihungsliste Nr.I., fur Eiserne Kreuze 2.Klasse, SA. For the full list see Melnyk, To Battle …, op cit.; pp. 334-335.

  27Volodymyr Kosak, born 26.5.1917, Peremshyl, Ukraine. From 1935 until 1938 he served in the Red Army attaining the rank
of Lieutenant with the 26.Mot.Brig. in Voronesch, before serving with the German Wehrmacht from 7.7.1942 until 25.1.1943 as 3. Deutsch-Ukrainischer Milizchef the district of Mitrovynowka. He enlisted for service with the Galician Division on 17.7.1943 where in addition to the EK II Class, Kosak was awarded the Infantrie-Sturmabzeichen in Silber (Infantry Assault Badge in Silver) and the Verwundetenabzeichen in Schwarz (wound badge in black) after the battle of Brody. He went on to become the highest decorated Ukrainian serving with the Division receiving the Verwundetenabzeichen in Silver (for three or four wounds) on 6.12.1944 and finally the Iron Cross I Class on 20 April 1945.

  28See Staff.-Gren.Div.der SSgal. Nr.I.Einsatz: Ostfront, Sudabschnitt Verleihungsliste Nr.I., fur Eiserne Kreuze 2.Klasse, BA-MA RH7 2485.

  29These included standard German awards such as the Infanterie Sturmabzeichen (infantry assault badge) and the Verwundetenabzeichen (wound badge) in various grades and Kriegsverdienstkreuz (War Merit Cross). The author has appropriate citations for all these examples in his possession dated 1 September 1944, for example Besitzzeugnis Dem W.-Sturmmann Wasyl Sirsky stb.Kp./Waffen Gren.Rgt.d.SS Nr.29 (gal.a) Verleihe ich das Infanterie-Sturmabzeichen in Silber. AA. One possible explanation for the apparent dearth of awards for bravery to Ukrainians is that recommendations for awards usually started at company level (the company commander, where necessary, having taken advice from the zugführers). With so many of the Ukrainian company commanders killed, injured and sent to revover at hospitals in Germany or missing in action (ie captured or deserted), there was inevitably very limited scope for recommendations to be made by the very few that remained with the Division.

  3014.Waffen-Gren.-div.der SS (gal.Nr.I) IIa Div.St.Qu., den 26.9.1944, Verleihungsliste Nr.1 für Kriegsverdienstkreuze 2.Klasse, BA-MA, RH7 1804. In his book Logusz incorrectly lists Jurij Coldewey (cited as Jurij Koldewsky) as a Ukrainian recipient when he was a German national. Michael O. Logusz, Galicia Division, The Waffen-SS 14 Grenadier Division, 1943–1945, p. 281. It should be noted that the nationality of Schutz. Nikolaus Gedz who is also listed, is unclear.

  31For details see his ‘Personal-Antrag Fritz Dern, 4 October 1944, Personal-Akte NA, A3343-SSO-143.

  32For details of the promotion see Personal-Antrag Beyersdorff Friedrich 23.8.1944 NA A3343-550-220.

  33In his book, the Division’s 1a Major Heike acknowledges Forstreuter’s contribution when he wrote; ‘The routed 30 Regiment was sent back into the reserve rearguard. Over four days it was reformed into a battle ready unit, although of decreased strength. Such a rapid reforming was a credit to the regiment’s commander’. Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 45.

  34 See Beurteilungsnotiz für SS-Obersturmbannführer Forstreuter, Hans 4 November 1944, See NA, A3342-SSO-215.

  35See Personal-Akte NA A3343-SSO-107.

  36It would appear that as a rule, Major Heike insisted on wearing his regular army uniform instead of that of the equivalent SS rank of SS-Sturmbannführer, much to the annoyance of Freitag. This in turn created a great deal of friction between the two men and was the primary reason that Freitag refused to give Heike the promotions he deserved.

  37For example Ferkuniak, Spomyny ..., op cit.; p. 25, states that after Freitag had resigned command of the Division, Heike continued to issue orders for all Ukrainian units on the Brody-Krasne highway to be directed to him in Pidhirtsi. In his memoirs Shandruk writes that upon arriving at the Division’s Training and Reserve Regiment in April 1945, the Ukrainian officers who took part in the battle of Brody gave him an account of the battle and was told ‘Even at the start of the battle General [sic] Freitag had lost all contact with his regiments and instead of trying to re-establish contact, he left to join the army staff. At that time our experienced officers … took over command of individual units and following general directions furnished by staff Major Heike who valiantly stood his post at the front, succeeded in leading the remaining men out of the entrapment’. Shandruk, Arms …, p. 269.

  38Heikes’ injury (albeit not a serious one) was confirmed by Bohdan Kalba, who saw him with his left arm bandaged and in a sling after the breakout. Interview B. Kalba, Toronto, 7 June 1993 and letter to author, 6 July 1998.

  39The figures for the relative strengths of the various categories as of 4.9.44, were:

  Soll (should be) Ist (is)

  Führer 480 134

  Unterführer - 2,587 522

  Mannschaften - 11,622 4,419

  The breakdown of the figures for the A.u.E.Rgt.14. were 43 Führer, 288, Unterführer and 8,504 Mannschaften = total 8,835. See Der Reichsführer-SS Adjutantur, Feldkommandostelle, den 7. September 1944, Kdo.Stab RF-SS Tgb.Nr.Ia/3530/44 g.Kdos. Stärkemeldungen Stand vom: 5.9.1944. * Note unlike the other Waffen-SS units, the figures for the Galician Division are marked as being from the 4.9.44 and not the 5.9.44. See NA, T175 roll 141 frame 2668962.

  40Vide supra.

  41Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 15.

  42SS-Führungshauptamt, 5 Sept. 1944, Amt II Org.Abt.Ia/II Tgb.Nr.2880/44 g.Kdos. Betr.; Re-formation of the 14.Waffen-Gren.Div. der SS (galician Nr.1). NA, T175 roll 141, frames 2669182—2669183.

  43Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 63.

  44Kern, The Dance …, p. 194.

  45SS-Standartenführer und Oberst der Schutzpolizei Rudolph Pannier; born 10 July 1897, in Gera, Thuringen. SS Nr.465,891. Not a party member. The son of an electrical engineer, during WWI he volunteered for service in the IX Army Corps and fought on both the French and Russian fronts. After the war he was a member of the German ‘Freikorps’, before joining the Schutzpolizei in Hamburg. At the beginning of the German–Soviet war in 1941 Pannier had risen to the rank of Hauptmann (Captain) and was serving as a company commander in the 4 SS-Polizei Division which was attached to Army Group North, on the Leningrad sector (Novgorod–Tschdovo) of the eastern front. On 27 January 1942, he was awarded the Iron Cross II. Class and on the 5 February Iron Cross I. Class. He was promoted to the rank of SS-Sturmbannführer and Major der Schutzpolizei and on 11 May 1942, as commander of the I./Battalion of the SS-Polizeischutzenregiment 2 he was awarded the Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes (Knight Cross of the Iron Cross) for his bravery in combat. He was promoted again to the rank of SS-Standartenführer and while recuperating from his many wounds received the German Cross in Gold. On 13 September 1944 he was transferred to the 14 Galician Division at Neuhammer. A former Ukrainian officer who served as a staff officer with WGR 31 stated that because of his wounds which had left him with a permanent limp, Pannier often took morphine injections to which he had become addicted. As a result ‘he often gave foolish and unreasonable orders’. Hawrylak, Memoir, op cit.; p. 17.

  46For details see 14.Waffen-Grenadier division der SS (Ukr. Nr.1) Div.St.Qu., den 28.11.1944, Tgb. Nr. IIa 22/44 geh.Kdos Geheime Kommandosache , Betr.: SS Standartenführer Pannier, Bezug: Dort. Geh.Kdos.v.8.10.44 Tgb.Nr.VI 86/44 g, BL/Wi, anlg.: Keine, An dem SS Richter beim Reichsführer SS Personal-Akte NA, A3343-SSO-364A.

  47Werner Heinz, born 20 September 1914, SS Nr.405 814.

  48Wuttig later wrote a post was account of his experiences entitled Auf dem wege in den Ural in Soviet captivity from which he was finally released in October 1955. AA.

  49SS-Obersturmbannführer Carl (also spelt Karl) Georg Heinrich Marks, born 17.9.1903, SS Nr.257,785; Party Nr.3,601,899: Marks whose military service had included spells with the Ersatz battalion of the 1.SS-Panzer Division ‘Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler’ and later with the 24.Gebrigs (Karstjäger) Waffen-SS Division, was a decorated veteran holding the Iron Cross I and II Class and the Infanterie-Sturmabzeichen in Bronze, amongst several other awards and had previously fought in Poland and on both the western and eastern fronts. See Personal-Akt NA A3343-SSO-299A.

  50SS-Obersturmbannführer Karl Wildner, born 17 December 1897, in Königshof, Germany, died in Unterstein 18 October 1960. Wildner had 30 years of military service behind him prior to joining the 14 Galician Division, his most recent commission as an officer in the Slovak Army. See Personal-Akt Karl Wil
dner, NA, A3343-SSO-246B.

  51Ludwig Josef Alexander Kuchta, born 04.08.1909, in Georgenberg. Kuchta was a long-serving and combat experienced soldier who transferred to the Galician Division from the Slovak Army. He already held the Tapferkeitsmedaille II and III Class and the Iron Cross II Class when he was awarded the Iron Cross I Class on 14 March 1943, while fighting in the Caucasus with the I./21 Battalion. From November–December 1943 he held the post of Garisonoffizier in Odessa. See Personal-Akt NA A3343-SSO-223A.

  52 SS-Sturmbannführer Albert Czermin, born 18.4.1909.

  53 SS-Sturmbannführer Elemer Scholtz, born 6.6.1909, Michelsdorf. See Personal-Akt NA A3343-SSO-097B.

  54Wilhelm Podlesch, born 27.01.1902. Party Nr.1, 095, 485. Holder of the Iron Cross I Class. See Personal-Akt NA A3343-SSO-385A.

  55Alfred Bisanz as head of the Wehrausschuss Galicia refers to his concern about the suitability of these NCOs in a letter to Freitag dated 8 November 1944, ABFC. As was always the case throughout the Division’s existence, several of the replacement German cadre personnel who continued to arrive until December 1944, had unsavoury service records.

  56Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 64.

  57The Ukrainians had good reason to feel disgruntled. In his book Heike notes that when the Division was first formed Ukrainian officers had lagged behind because of their age and inexperience. After the battle of Brody the situation was reversed and the German officers and NCOs lagged behind because of their youth, lack of practical experience and rapid rise through the ranks. Ibid., p. 66.

  58Palienko was killed at Brody. Brygidyr was removed ‘for the common good’. See Ferkuniak, Spomyny …, op cit.; p. 31. Vide infra, footnote 187.

  59Born 12 August 1899, Kalush, Galicia. Served briefly in Austrian Army then in the first battalion of the Ukrainian Galician Army. In 1930 he was elected as a candidate to the Polish parliament (Sejm). As a member of the Military Board he was responsible for the recruitment of officers and later liaison with the Division.