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War Is a Racket

Page 4

by Smedley Darlington Butler


  In that five-month interval the people had not been asked whether they had changed their minds. The 4,000,000 young men who put on uniforms and marched or sailed away were not asked whether they wanted to go forth to suffer and to die.

  Then what caused our government to change its mind so suddenly?

  Money.

  An allied commission, it may be recalled, came over shortly before the war declaration and called on the President. The President summoned a group of advisers. The head of the commission spoke. Stripped of its diplomatic language, this is what he told the President and his group:

  There is no use kidding ourselves any longer. The cause of the allies is lost. We now owe you (American bankers, American munitions makers, American manufacturers, American speculators, American exporters) jive or six billion dollars.

  If we lose (and without the help of the United States we must lose) we, England, France and Italy, cannot pay back this money...and Germany won’t.

  So...

  Had secrecy been outlawed as far as war negotiations were concerned, and had the press been invited to be present at that conference, or had the radio been available to broadcast the proceedings, America never would have entered the World War. But this conference, like all war discussions, was shrouded in the utmost secrecy.

  When our boys were sent off to war they were told it was a “war to make the world safe for democracy” and a “war to end all wars.”

  Well, eighteen years after, the world has less of a democracy than it had then. Besides, what business is it of ours whether Russia or Germany or England or France or Italy or Austria live under democracies or monarchies? Whether they are Fascists or Communists? Our problem is to preserve our own democracy.

  And very little, if anything, has been accomplished to assure us that the World War was really the war to end all wars.

  Yes, we have had disarmament conferences and limitations of arms conferences. They don’t mean a thing. One has just failed; the results of another have been nullified. We send our professional soldiers and our sailors and our politicians and our diplomats to these conferences. And what happens?

  The professional soldiers and sailors don’t want to disarm. No admiral wants to be without a ship. No general wants to be without a command. Both mean men without jobs. They are not for disarmament. They cannot be for limitations of arms. And at all these conferences, lurking in the background but all-powerful, just the same, are the sinister agents of those who profit by war. They see to it that these conferences do not disarm or seriously limit armaments.

  The chief aim of any power at any of these conferences has been not to achieve disarmament in order to prevent war but rather to endeavor to get more armament for itself and les s for any potential foe.

  There is only one way to disarm with any semblance of practicability. That is for all nations to get together and scrap every ship, every gun, every rifle, every tank, every war plane. Even this, if it were at all possible, would not be enough.

  The next war, according to experts, will be fought not with battleships, not by artillery, not with rifles and not with guns. It will be fought with deadly chemicals and gases.

  Secretly each nation is studying and perfecting newer and ghastlier means of annihilating its foes wholesale. Yes, ships will continue to get built, for the shipbuilders must make their profits. And guns still will be manufactured and powder and rifles will be made, for the munitions makers must make their huge profits. And the soldiers, of course, must wear uniforms, for the manufacturers must make their war profits too.

  But victory or defeat will be determined by the skill and ingenuity of our scientists.

  If we put them to work making poison gas and more and more fiendish mechanical and explosive instruments of destruction, they will have no time for the constructive job of building a greater prosperity for all peoples. By putting them to this useful job, we can all make more money out of peace than we can out of war—even the munition makers.

  So ... I say, “TO HELL WITH WAR!”

  Memorial Day Speech (1931)

  MEMORIAL DAY with its sad and sacred memories is here again. As each new Memorial Day comes around, we recall anew the great and tragic events that made the occasion for that day.

  MEMORIAL DAY is one of the most SIGNIFICANT and BEAUTIFUL occasions of the year. It shows the sentiment of the people towards those who gave their lives for a GOOD cause, and it teaches a lesson in patriotism which is without parallel. MEMORIAL DAY cannot be TOO TENDERLY revered by old and young, by those who participated in any of the nation’s great struggles, or by those who simply know of it as History. Our country each year is paying a GREATER tribute of respect to the soldiers—living and dead—and it is a SINCERE HOPE that this rule will be explained still more in the years to come.

  There is a beautiful significance in the fact that, two years after the close of the Civil War, the thoughtful women of Columbus, Mississippi, laid their offerings ALIKE on the Northern and southern Graves. When all is said, this great nation has BUT ONE Heart. This act of these thoughtful women inspired the famous lyric of Francis Miles Finch, “The Blue and the Grey.”

  The ceremony of decorating the graves of the loved ones is almost as old as mankind itself. The Greeks and Romans had ceremonies in remembrance of their dead, as well the Druids. In France they have this beautiful custom participated in by whole families. It was not until may 1868, however, that general John A. Logan, National Commander of the Grand Army of the Republic and one of the great leaders of the Civil War, issued an order to the Grand Army naming the 30th of May 1868, for the “purpose of strewing with flowers or otherwise decorating graves of comrades who died in defense of their country during the Civil War.” It was the purpose of General Logan to inaugurate this observance with the hope that it would be kept up from year to year while a survivor of that great conflict remains to honor the memory of the departed. The States took up the matter immediately and in many states MEMORIAL DAY is a state Holiday, and now in accordance with the Naval Regulations it is a legal Holiday, and each year the president designates Memorial Day by a Presidential Proclamation.

  The youth of America should be thought through its schools the history and spirit of American institutions. Let these schools teach them this history and inspire them with this spirit. Teach the youth that it is the highest honour to say I AM AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. Let them hear the shot that was fired at Lexington, the shot that was heard around the world. Let them catch the pearls of the Liberty Bell and the sprit of Independence Day. Let them know of Lincoln’s Gettysburg address, of the victories for the preservation of the union; Let them hear again of the shining and glorious victories of Dewey at Manila, of Sampson and Schley at Santiago, of Shafter, Wood and Roosevelt in 1898, and of Pershing’s massive force in France, and of glorious victories so that Democracies might live.

  A famous speaker said a few years back. “I have only one sentiment for soldiers, cheers for the living and tears for the dead.”

  We recall with pride and gratitude how our citizens responded to the call in 1917, with a swiftness that was unheard of they sprang to arms. The flower of American youth was there. They came from schools, colleges, from offices, factories, and the farm, they became “History’s Graduates” in their defense of human rights and our free institutions. Five million of them now study veterans of the World War and truly typifying American spirit, the sprit of 1776, of 1812, of 1847, of 1861, of 1898.

  The same Legionnaires have taken over the duty of “Carrying on” the Memorial Day observance. Over the graves of our soldier dead they will wreathe flowers, symbols of devotion and gratitude, at these graves which are Nation’s Shrine, the Mecca to which the Legionnaires journey to renew their devotion to their comrades.

  We must as well honor these heroic and patriotic dead by being true men, and, as true men, by faithfully fighting the battles of our day as they fought the battles of their day.

  Memorial Day Speech (1933)

 
; Discovering America (1939)

  The War in Europe (Undated)

  Avoiding War in the Pacific

  by Attending to Our Own Business (1939)

  While my subject is “Avoiding War in the Pacific,” it is felt that the American people are vitally interested in avoiding wars in all oceans and in all lands.

  A practicable and workable technique to avoid wars in which the United States may become involved is not limited in its application to the Pacific Ocean and will work equally well in the Atlantic Ocean or the Black Sea—if those who work it are unselfish and honest.

  If wars are to be avoided by our country it can be done only by determined and simple political action on the part of the great majority of our people—the trusting majority—which majority does not get up the wars, but which does fight them and which does pay all the bills in blood and money. So it is this great majority to which these words are addressed, in an effort to awaken their interest.

  This great majority has neither the time nor the inclination to study the so-called economic causes of war; this majority is interested only in keeping out of wars of all kinds. This majority is not vitally interested in the means by which we are kept out of war. You must remember—wars do not just occur—they are made by men. All efforts which keep us out will be approved, and there will never be a Congressional investigation into the steps taken or the methods adopted, which saved us from a war. There would be nothing to investigate. Men who took a part in peace would be only too willing to publish to the world all their moves.

  Editor’s Note: Page two of this document was unavailable and is not included.

  . . . bones—”to make the world safe for Democracy”—”I went fighting the business of wars.” Rot—pure, unadulterated, sickening rot. ( . . . ) saying of their lives and their ( . . . ) which led those ( . . . ) die and are ( . . . ) on the ( . . . ) left behind ( . . . ) those whose financial condition would benefit ( . . . ) to lose.

  Appealing peace slogans must be coined and there could be nothing more potent than, “Attend to our own business.”

  Then the question is—”What is our own business?” To answer that we must first decide what is meant by that word “Our.” I contend that “Our,” where war is concerned, refers to the people who do the fighting—those who make the sacrifices in blood and never-ending sorrow. I contend that the business of these people is the preservation and protection only of their lives and their homes. Certainly those who die and are maimed on the field of battle and those left behind to the sorrow of their days cannot, by any stretch, claim an interest in foreign investments.

  Our trade with Japan and China together in 1936 showed a balance of about five million dollars in our favor—about one-twelfth the cost of a battleship—and how many of those who might bleed would share in that five millions? We exported to China and Japan 251 millions of dollars worth of products in 1936 and imported 246 millions of dollars worth of their goods. There is nothing we must have from the East in order to live—and live happily and comfortably too. Of course it is desirable—highly desirable to have trade and friendly relations with the Far East.

  It is also highly desirable to have amicable relations with the grocer but it certainly will not promote friendly relations if you keep standing in front of his store with a gun. The grocer, or the coal dealer, will not object to a man keeping a gun in his own front yard to protect his home—nor will he object to his keeping fierce watch dogs in his yard to protect him and his family from marauders—but he has every right to vigorously object and even be suspicious of his neighbour’s friendly intentions if the neighbor insists on stationing savage watch dogs in front of his store. No, it is not neighborly, nor is it common sense to so maneuver as to force the owner of property to turn it over to you without just payment.

  If a nation’s reputation for fair dealing is good that nation can always get, by purchase, what it needs.

  Now what do we mean by this phrase “Own Business.” It does not necessarily refer to trade—in this instance it more properly refers to conduct. So we have “attend to our own conduct.’ Which means: take only a friendly, helpful part in the affairs of others—spread no slander about others—make no faces at others with our Navy—keep our Navel manoeuvres at home—treat all nations alike.

  Put all nations on a quota footing with respect to immigration—put our own foreign relations house in order. Tell the whole world just what we intend to defend with our armed forces. Let the world know that we do not intend to invade them or seize their property and that our armed forces are so designed that we could not invade even if a change of administration should cause a change of policy. This would set a fine example and establish us as a square-dealing nation. Then let us make publicly the necessary preparations to carry out our published policy.

  In conclusion: when we announced what we intend to defend let us put our national flag over it and forbid the flying of our flag over anything else. Then we will banish our most usual and popular cause for our wars. Our flag belongs to all of us Americans and we Americans should have a voice in where it is flown.

  Concerning Law Enforcement (Undated)

  Thank you, —

  My fellow Americans:

  Let’s look over this European brawl and see where we stand.

  Let’s see if we have contributed one single thing to cause it.

  Let’s see if even a part of the responsibility can be pinned on us.

  Let’s see if we have anything at all to do with it.

  If we think it over calmly, we all know perfectly well that we did not have one solitary blessed thing to do with the making of this mess over there.

  Did we have anything to do with any promises Britain and France made to Poland? No, we didn’t.

  Did we have anything to do with Hitler’s land grabbing? No, we didn’t.

  Did we have anything to do with Britain and France declaring war on Germany? We certainly did not and were not even consulted.

  These are the SMELLY things in this pit of European back-alley politics into which we will be pushed if we don’t watch our step—if we are fools enough to raise the embargo on the sale of arms to these war-mad European politicians, if we are naive enough to allow ourselves to get all excited about this brawl that is going on over there, as brawls have, almost since the dawn of history.

  Before they started this row over land and natural resources, did they ask our advice—much less our encouragement?

  No, they did not, and we neither advised nor encouraged them, so why should we get all stewed up about it.

  Just because people on the other side of the world insist on continuing their age-old practise of committing mass suicide, do we as a nation have to follow their example and blow out our brains too.

  Are we to adopt a policy of sitting around this European cockpit and going to the rescue of our favorite cocks whenever they get into a fight they might not be able to win without us?

  Are we to become so entangled in European high pressure politics that the main issue at our elections will be whether or not to allow political changes abroad?

  If we are to make it our practise to take part in these cock-fights over there we should certainly vote on it—have it in all our national political platforms.

  Twenty-five years ago we went abroad to bail out Britain and France, helped drench the gore-sodden fields of Europe with the blood of a quarter million of our finest boys—the pride of our manhood—helped sow the seeds of the present orgy—spent fifty billion dollars on that adventure.

  But are WE to blame because Hitler built himself a great hair trigger war machine?

  Are WE responsible that England and France did not build a machine to stop him?

  Are WE culpable in any way because Hitler started before the other side was ready?

  Provided Britain and France really want to stop Hitler, are WE to make up for their failure to prepare to do so by sticking out OUR necks and raising our embargo on arms?

  Supp
ose you are walking down a strange street in a strange town in a strange country thousands of miles from your own home. You come across a brawl. You have no interest in it except that it is a fight. All of a sudden you hear one of the brawlers cry out in your native tongue as he swats his opponent: “I believe in Democracy.” You don’t know in the least what the fight is about but your sympathies are with the fellow who speaks your language. The believer in Democracy sees you and shout: “Come on and get in—we believe in the same things, and if he wins you’ll be next, what’s more.”

  You reply, “No, I don’t want to. I’m a stranger and don’t want to get mixed up in this. I like you but not enough to get into a fight over it.”

  “All right,” he says, “you gather up all the clubs, stones and brickbats you can get hold of and feed them to me, I’LL use them on the other fellow.”

  Do you really thing that if you start handing your Democratic friend ammunition, you won’t get into it too? You can’t help it, if he’s losing, and if he wins, he will surely call you a scab, say he could have won by himself anyhow, and declare he owe you nothing.

  On the other hand if you stay out of his fight, with which you had nothing to do in the first place, the argument that if the other fellow wins, he will give YOU a good beating too, won’t apply. You will have gone about your business, instead of butting into a fight into which you did not belong, and the winner won’t find you right there ready to be chewed up next.

  They say—well, if the French and British don’t lick Hitler, he will be over here and jump on our necks next. He’ll be bombing our women and children and shelling our cities.

  Don’t let anybody feed you that rot. It doesn’t take military education to figure out what I am going to tell you:

 

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