by Polybius
[1] ὁ δὲ Μάθως αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς τῶν Ἱππακριτῶν πολιορκίας ἐπέμενεν, τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Αὐτάριτον τὸν τῶν Γαλατῶν ἡγεμόνα καὶ Σπένδιον ἔχεσθαι τῶν ὑπεναντίων συνεβούλευε, [2] τὰ μὲν πεδία φεύγοντας διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν παρὰ τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις ἱππέων καὶ θηρίων, ταῖς δ᾽ ὑπωρείαις ἀντιπαράγοντας καὶ συνεπιτιθεμένους κατὰ τὰς ὑποπιπτούσας ἀεὶ δυσχερείας. [3] ἅμα δὲ ταῖς ἐπινοίαις ταύταις καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Νομάδας καὶ τοὺς Λίβυας ἐξέπεμπε, δεόμενος βοηθεῖν σφίσι καὶ μὴ καταπροΐεσθαι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας καιρούς. [4] ὁ δὲ Σπένδιος προσλαβὼν ἐκ τοῦ Τύνητος ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστου τῶν γενῶν τοὺς πάντας εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους προῆγε, ταῖς ὑπωρείαις ἀντιπαράγων τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις, ἔχων ἅμα τοῖς προειρημένοις καὶ τοὺς μετ᾽ Αὐταρίτου Γαλάτας, ὄντας εἰς δισχιλίους. [5] τὸ γὰρ λοιπὸν μέρος αὐτῶν τοῦ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς συστήματος ηὐτομολήκει πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐν ταῖς περὶ τὸν Ἔρυκα στρατοπεδείαις. [6] τοῦ δ᾽ Ἀμίλκου παρεμβεβληκότος ἔν τινι πεδίῳ πανταχόθεν ὄρεσι περιεχομένῳ, συνέβη τὰς παρὰ τῶν Νομάδων καὶ Λιβύων βοηθείας εἰς τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον συνάψαι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Σπένδιον. [7] γενομένης δὲ τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις τῆς μὲν τῶν Λιβύων ἐπιστρατοπεδείας αἰφνιδίου καὶ κατὰ πρόσωπον, τῆς δὲ τῶν Νομάδων ἀπ᾽ οὐρᾶς, τῆς δὲ περὶ τὸν Σπένδιον ἐκ πλαγίου, μεγάλην αὐτοῖς ἀπορίαν
77. Meanwhile Mathos himself was continuing the siege of Hippo Zarytus, and he now counselled Autaritus, the leader of the Gauls, and Spendius to stick close to the skirts of the enemy, avoiding the plains, because the enemy were strong in cavalry and elephants, but marching parallel with them on the slopes of the mountains, and attacking them whenever they saw them in any difficulty. While suggesting these tactics, he at the same time sent messengers to the Numidians and Libyans, entreating them to come to their aid, and not to let slip the opportunity of securing their own freedom. Accordingly, Spendius took with him a force of six thousand men, selected from each of the several nationalities at Tunes, and started, keeping along a line of hills parallel to the Carthaginians. Besides these six thousand he had two thousand Gauls under Autaritus, who were all that were left of the original number, the rest having deserted to the Romans during the period of the occupation of Eryx. Now it happened that, just when Hamilcar had taken up a position in a certain plain which was surrounded on all sides by mountains, the reinforcements of Numidians and Libyans joined Spendius. The Carthaginians, therefore, suddenly found a Libyan encampment right on their front, another of Numidians on their rear, and that of Spendius on their flank; and it seemed impossible to escape from the danger which thus menaced them on every side.
[1] συνέβη περιστῆναι καὶ δυσέκφευκτον. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον Ναραύας, ὃς ἦν μὲν Νομὰς τῶν ἐνδοξοτάτων εἷς, ἦν δὲ καὶ πλήρης ὁρμῆς πολεμικῆς, οὗτος ἀεὶ μὲν οἰκείως διέκειτο πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους πατρικὴν ἔχων σύστασιν, τότε δὲ μᾶλλον παρωρμήθη διὰ τὴν Ἀμίλκου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ καταξίωσιν. [2] διὸ καὶ νομίσας ἔχειν εὐφυῆ καιρὸν πρὸς ἔντευξιν αὐτῷ καὶ σύστασιν, ἧκεν εἰς τὴν στρατοπεδείαν ἔχων περὶ αὑτὸν Νομάδας εἰς ἑκατόν. [3] καὶ συνεγγίσας τῷ χάρακι τολμηρῶς ἔμενε, κατασείων τῇ χειρί. [4] τοῦ δ᾽ Ἀμίλκου θαυμάσαντος τὴν ἐπιβολὴν καὶ προπέμψαντός τινα τῶν ἱππέων, εἰς λόγους ἔφη βούλεσθαι συνελθεῖν τῷ στρατηγῷ. [5] διαποροῦντος δ᾽ ἀκμὴν καὶ διαπιστοῦντος τοῦ τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἡγεμόνος, παραδοὺς ὁ Ναραύας τὸν ἵππον καὶ τὰς λόγχας τοῖς μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ παρῆν ἄνοπλος εὐθαρσῶς εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν. [6] οἱ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἐθαύμαζον, τὰ δὲ κατεπλήττοντο τὴν τόλμαν: ὅμως δὲ προσεδέξαντο καὶ συνῆλθον εἰς τὰς χεῖρας. [7] ὁ δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς λόγους ἔφη πᾶσι μὲν Καρχηδονίοις εὐνοεῖν, μάλιστα δ᾽ ἐπιθυμεῖν Βάρκᾳ γενέσθαι φίλος: διὸ καὶ νῦν παρεῖναι συσταθησόμενος αὐτῷ καὶ κοινωνήσων ἀδόλως παντὸς ἔργου καὶ πάσης ἐπιβολῆς. [8] Ἀμίλκας δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας οὕτως ἥσθη μεγάλως ἐπί τε τῷ κατὰ τὴν παρουσίαν θάρσει καὶ τῇ κατὰ τὴν ἔντευξιν ἁπλότητι τοῦ νεανίσκου, ὡς οὐ μόνον εὐδόκησε κοινωνὸν αὐτὸν προσλαβέσθαι τῶν πράξεων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα δώσειν ἐπηγγείλατο μεθ᾽ ὅρκου, διαφυλάξαντος αὐτοῦ τὴν πρὸς Καρχηδονίους πίστιν. [9] γενομένων δὲ τῶν ὁμολογιῶν, ὁ μὲν Ναραύας ἧκε τοὺς ὑφ᾽ αὑτὸν τεταγμένους ἔχων Νομάδας, ὄντας εἰς δισχιλίους, [10] ὁ δ᾽ Ἀμίλκας προσγενομένης αὐτῷ τῆς χειρὸς ταύτης παρετάξατο τοῖς πολεμίοις. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Σπένδιον συνάψαντες ἐπὶ ταὐτὸ τοῖς Λίβυσι καὶ καταβάντες εἰς τὸ πεδίον συνέβαλλον τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις. [11] γενομένης δὲ μάχης ἰσχυρᾶς ἐνίκων οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀμίλκαν, καλῶς μὲν τῶν θηρίων ἀγωνισαμένων, ἐπιφανεστάτην δὲ τοῦ Ναραύα παρασχομένου χρείαν. [12] ὁ μὲν οὖν Αὐτάριτος καὶ Σπένδιος διέφυγον, τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν ἔπεσον μὲν εἰς μυρίους, ἑάλωσαν δ᾽ εἰς τετρακισχιλίους. [13] ἐπιτελεσθέντος δὲ τοῦ κατορθώματος, Ἀμίλκας τοῖς μὲν βουλομένοις τῶν αἰχμαλώτων μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ συστρατεύειν ἐξουσίαν ἔδωκε καὶ καθώπλιζε τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων σκύλοις, [14] τοὺς δὲ μὴ βουλομένους ἁθροίσας παρεκάλει φάσκων, ἕως μὲν τοῦ νῦν συγγνώμην αὐτοῖς ἔχειν τῶν ἡμαρτημένων: διὸ καὶ συγχωρεῖν τρέπεσθαι κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας ὁρμὰς οὗ ποτ᾽ ἂν ἕκαστος αὐτῶν προαιρῆται. [15] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα διηπειλήσατο μηθένα φέρειν ὅπλον πολέμιον κατ᾽ αὐτῶν, ὡς, ἐὰν ἁλῷ τις, ἀπαραιτήτου τευξόμενον τιμωρίας.
78. But there was at that time a certain Narávas, a Numidian of high rank and warlike spirit, who entertained an ancestral feeling of affection for the Carthaginians, rendered especially warm at that time by admiration for Hamilcar. He now thought that he had an excellent opportunity for an interview and association
with that general; and accordingly came to the Carthaginian quarters with a body of a hundred Numidians, and boldly approaching the out-works, remained there waving his hand. Wondering what his object could be Hamilcar sent a horseman to see; to whom Narávas said that he wished for an interview with the general. The Carthaginian leader still showing hesitation and incredulity, Narávas committed his horse and javelins to the care of his guards, and boldly came into the camp unarmed. His fearlessness made a profound impression not unmixed with surprise. No further objection, however, was made to his presence, and the desired interview was accorded; in which he declared his goodwill to the Carthaginians generally, and his especial desire to be friends with Barcas. “This was the motive of his presence,” he said; “he was come with the full intention of taking his place by his side and of faithfully sharing all his actions and undertakings.” Hamilcar, on hearing these words, was so immensely charmed by the young man’s courage in coming, and his honest simplicity in the interview, that he not only consented to accept his co-operation, but promised also with an oath that he would give him his daughter in marriage if he kept faith with Carthage to the end. The agreement having been thus made, Narávas came with his division of Numidians, numbering two thousand. Thus reinforced Hamilcar offered the enemy battle; which Spendius, having joined forces with the Libyans, accepted; and descending into the plain engaged the Carthaginians. In the severe battle which followed Hamilcar’s army was victorious: a result which he owed partly to the excellent behaviour of the elephants, but particularly to the brilliant services rendered by Narávas. Autaritus and Spendius managed to escape; but of the rest as many as ten thousand were killed and four thousand taken prisoners. When the victory was complete, Hamilcar gave permission to those of the prisoners who chose to enlist in his army, and furnished them with arms from the spoils of the enemy’s slain: those who did not choose to accept this offer he summoned to a meeting and harangued them. He told them that the crimes committed by them up to that moment were pardoned, and they were permitted to go their several ways, wheresoever they chose, but on condition that none of them bore arms against Carthage again: if any one of them were ever caught so doing, he warned them distinctly that he would meet with no mercy.
[1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς οἱ τὴν Σαρδόνα [τὴν νῆσον] παραφυλάττοντες τῶν μισθοφόρων, ζηλώσαντες τοὺς περὶ τὸν Μάθω καὶ Σπένδιον, ἐπιτίθενται τοῖς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Καρχηδονίοις. [2] καὶ τὸν μὲν τότε παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὄντα βοήθαρχον Βώσταρον συγκλείσαντες εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μετὰ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ πολιτῶν ἀπέκτειναν. [3] αὖθις δὲ τῶν Καρχηδονίων στρατηγὸν ἐξαποστειλάντων μετὰ δυνάμεως Ἄννωνα, κἄπειτα καὶ τούτων τῶν δυνάμεων ἐγκαταλιπουσῶν τὸν Ἄννωνα καὶ μεταθεμένων πρὸς σφᾶς, [4] γενόμενοι ζωγρίᾳ κύριοι τοῦ προειρημένου, παραυτίκα τοῦτον μὲν ἀνεσταύρωσαν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα παρηλλαγμένας ἐπινοοῦντες τιμωρίας πάντας τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Καρχηδονίους στρεβλοῦντες ἀπέκτειναν: [5] καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη ποιησάμενοι τὰς πόλεις ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς εἶχον ἐγκρατῶς τὴν νῆσον, ἕως οὗ στασιάσαντες πρὸς τοὺς Σαρδονίους ἐξέπεσον ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν. [6] ἡ μὲν οὖν Σαρδὼ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἀπηλλοτριώθη Καρχηδονίων, νῆσος καὶ τῷ μεγέθει καὶ τῇ πολυανθρωπίᾳ καὶ τοῖς γεννήμασι διαφέρουσα. [7] τῷ δὲ πολλοὺς καὶ πολὺν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς πεποιῆσθαι λόγον οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἡγούμεθ᾽ εἶναι ταυτολογεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὁμολογουμένων. [8] Μάθως δὲ καὶ Σπένδιος, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις Αὐτάριτος ὁ Γαλάτης ὑπιδόμενοι τὴν Ἀμίλκου φιλανθρωπίαν εἰς τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ φοβηθέντες μὴ τῷ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ ψυχαγωγηθέντες ὁρμήσωσι πρὸς τὴν ὑποδεικνυμένην ἀσφάλειαν οἵ τε Λίβυες καὶ τὸ τῶν μισθοφόρων πλῆθος, ἐβουλεύοντο πῶς ἂν καινοτομήσαντές τι τῶν πρὸς ἀσέβειαν εἰς τέλος ἀποθηριώσειαν τὰ πλήθη πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους. [9] ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοῖς συναθροῖσαι τοὺς πολλούς. γενομένου δὲ τούτου γραμματοφόρον εἰσήγαγον, ὡς ἀπεσταλμένον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Σαρδόνος αἱρετιστῶν. [10] ἡ δ᾽ ἐπιστολὴ διεσάφει τόν τε Γέσκωνα καὶ τοὺς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ πάντας, οὓς παρεσπόνδησαν ἐν τῷ Τύνητι, καθάπερ ἐπάνω προεῖπον, φυλάττειν ἐπιμελῶς, ὡς πραττόντων τινῶν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις ὑπὲρ τῆς τούτων σωτηρίας. [11] λαβόμενος δὲ τῆς ἀφορμῆς ταύτης ὁ Σπένδιος πρῶτον μὲν παρεκάλει μὴ πιστεύειν τὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τοῦ τῶν Καρχηδονίων γεγενημένην φιλανθρωπίαν πρὸς τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους: [12] οὐ γὰρ σῶσαι προαιρούμενον αὐτὸν ταῦτα βεβουλεῦσθαι περὶ τῶν ἁλόντων, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς ἐκείνων ἀφέσεως ἡμῶν ἐγκρατῆ γενέσθαι σπουδάζοντα, πρὸς τὸ μὴ τινὰς ἀλλὰ πάντας ἡμᾶς ἅμα τιμωρήσασθαι πιστεύσαντας αὐτῷ. [13] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις φυλάττεσθαι παρῄνει μὴ προέμενοι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Γέσκωνα καταφρονηθῶσι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν, μεγάλα δὲ βλάψωσι τὰς ἰδίας πράξεις, ἄνδρα τοιοῦτον καὶ στρατηγὸν ἀγαθὸν ἐάσαντες διαφυγεῖν, ὃν εἰκὸς ἐχθρὸν αὐτοῖς ἔσεσθαι φοβερώτατον. [14] ἔτι δὲ ταῦτα λέγοντος αὐτοῦ παρῆν ἄλλος γραμματοφόρος, ὡς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Τύνητος ἀπεσταλμένος, παρα
79. This conspiracy of Mathos and Spendius caused an outbreak about this same time in another quarter. For the mercenaries who were in garrison in Sardinia, inspired by their example, attacked the Carthaginians in the island; beleaguered Bostarus, the commander of the foreign contingent, in the citadel; and finally put him and his compatriots to the sword. The Carthaginians thereupon sent another army into the island under Hanno. But the men deserted to the mutineers; who then seized Hanno and crucified him, and exercising all their ingenuity in the invention of tortures racked to death every Carthaginian in the island. Having got the towns into their power, they thenceforth kept forcible possession of the island; until they quarrelled with the natives and were driven by them into Italy. This was the way in which Carthage lost Sardinia, an island of first rate importance from its size, the number of its inhabitants, and its natural products. But as many have described it at great length, I do not think that I need repeat statements about which there is no manner of dispute.
To return to Libya. The indulgence shown by Hamilcar to the captives alarmed Mathos and Spendius and Autaritus the Gaul. They were afraid that conciliatory treatment of this sort would induce the Libyans, and the main body of the mercenaries, to embrace with eagerness the impunity thus displayed before their eyes. They consulted together, therefore, how they might by some new act of infamy inflame t
o the highest pitch of fury the feelings of their men against the Carthaginians. They finally determined upon the following plan. They summoned a meeting of the soldiers; and when it was assembled, they introduced a bearer of a despatch which they represented to have been sent by their fellow conspirators in Sardinia. The despatch warned them to keep a careful watch over Gesco and all his fellow prisoners (whom, as has been stated, they had treacherously seized in Tunes), as certain persons in the camp were secretly negotiating with the Carthaginians for their release. Taking this as his text, Spendius commenced by urging the men not to put any trust in the indulgence shown by the Carthaginian general to the prisoners of war, “For,” said he, “it is with no intention of saving their lives that he adopted this course in regard to the prisoners; his aim was, by releasing them, to get us into his power, that punishment might not be confined to some of us, but might fall on all at once.” He went on to urge them to be on their guard, lest by letting Gesco’s party go they should teach their enemies to despise them; and should also do great practical damage to their own interests, by suffering a man to escape who was an excellent general, and likely to be a most formidable enemy to themselves. Before he had finished this speech another courier arrived, pretending to have been sent by the garrison at Tunes, and bearing a despatch containing warnings similar to that from Sardinia.