Delphi Complete Works of Polybius

by Polybius

  26. This decree was made in the first year of the 140th Olympiad, and with it began the so-called Social war, the commencement of which was thoroughly justifiable and a natural consequence of the injurious acts of the Aetolians. The first step of the congress was to send commissioners at once to the several allies, that the decree having been confirmed by as many as possible, all might join in this national war. Philip also sent a declaratory letter to the Aetolians, in order that, if they had any justification to put forward on the points alleged against them, they might even at that late hour meet and settle the controversy by conference: “but if they supposed that they were, with no public declaration of war, to sack and plunder, without the injured parties retaliating, on pain of being considered, if they did so, to have commenced hostilities, they were the most simple people in the world.” On the receipt of this letter the Aetolian magistrates, thinking that Philip would never come, named a day on which they would meet him at Rhium. When they were informed, however, that he had actually arrived there, they sent a despatch informing him that they were not competent, before the meeting of the Aetolian assembly, to settle any public matter on their own authority. But when the Achaeans met at the usual federal assembly, they ratified the decree, and published a proclamation authorising reprisals upon the Aetolians. And when King Philip appeared before the council at Aegium, and informed them at length of all that had taken place, they received his speech with warmth, and formally renewed with him personally the friendship which had existed between his ancestors and themselves.

  [1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Αἰτωλοί, συνάψαντος τοῦ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσίων χρόνου, στρατηγὸν αὑτῶν εἵλοντο Σκόπαν, ὃς ἐγεγόνει πάντων τῶν προειρημένων ἀδικημάτων αἴτιος. [2] ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐκ οἶδα πῶς χρὴ λέγειν. τὸ γὰρ κοινῷ μὲν δόγματι μὴ πολεμεῖν, πανδημεὶ δὲ στρατεύοντας ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν τὰ τῶν πέλας, καὶ κολάζειν μὲν μηδένα τῶν αἰτίων, στρατηγοὺς δ᾽ αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ τιμᾶν τοὺς προεστῶτας τῶν τοιούτων ἔργων, ἐμοὶ μὲν δοκεῖ τῆς πάσης γέμειν κακοπραγμοσύνης: [3] τί γὰρ ἂν ἄλλο τις τὰς τοιαύτας κακίας ὀνομάσειε; δῆλον δ᾽ ἔσται τὸ λεγόμενον ἐκ τούτων. [4] Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὴν Καδμείαν Φοιβίδου παρασπονδήσαντος τὸν μὲν αἴτιον ἐζημίωσαν, τὴν δὲ φρουρὰν οὐκ ἐξήγαγον, ὥσπερ λυομένης τῆς ἀδικίας διὰ τῆς τοῦ πράξαντος βλάβης, παρὸν τἀναντία ποιεῖν: τοῦτο γὰρ διέφερε τοῖς Θηβαίοις. [5] πάλιν ἐκήρυττον ἀφιέντες τὰς πόλεις ἐλευθέρας καὶ αὐτονόμους κατὰ τὴν ἐπ᾽ Ἀνταλκίδου γενομένην εἰρήνην, τοὺς δ᾽ ἁρμοστὰς οὐκ ἐξῆγον ἐκ τῶν πόλεων. [6] Μαντινεῖς φίλους ὄντας καὶ συμμάχους ἀναστάτους ποιήσαντες οὐκ ἔφασαν ἀδικεῖν, ἐκ μιᾶς πόλεως εἰς πλείους αὐτοὺς διοικίσαντες, [7] ἀνοίᾳ μετὰ κακίας χρησάμενοι προφανῶς διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν, ἐάν τις αὐτὸς ἐπιμύῃ, μηδὲ τοὺς πέλας ὁρᾶν. [8] ἀμφοτέροις τοίνυν ὁ ζῆλος οὗτος τῆς πολιτείας αἴτιος κατέστη τῶν μεγίστων συμπτωμάτων: ὃν οὐδαμῶς οὐδαμῇ ζηλωτέον οὔτε κατ᾽ ἰδίαν οὔτε κοινῇ τοὺς ὀρθῶς βουλευομένους. [9] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Φίλιππος χρηματίσας τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἀνέζευξε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ Μακεδονίας, σπεύδων ἐπὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν τῶν πρὸς τὴν πόλεμον, οὐ μόνον τοῖς συμμάχοις, [10] ἀλλὰ πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησι διὰ τοῦ προειρημένου ψηφίσματος καλὰς ἐλπίδας ὑποδεικνύων πρᾳότητος καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας βασιλικῆς.

  27. Meanwhile, the time of the annual election having come round, the Aetolians elected Scopas as their Strategus, the man who had been the moving spirit in all these acts of violence. I am at a loss for fitting terms to describe such a public policy. To pass a decree against going to war, and yet to go on an actual expedition in force and pillage their neighbours’ territories: not to punish one of those responsible for this: but on the contrary to elect as Strategi and bestow honours on the leaders in these transactions, — this seems to me to involve the grossest disingenuousness. I can find no word which better describes such a treacherous policy; and I will quote two instances to show what I mean by it. When Phoebidas treacherously seized the Cadmeia, the Lacedaemonians fined the guilty general but declined to withdraw the garrison, on the ground that the wrong was fully atoned for by the punishment of the perpetrator of it: though their plain duty was to have done the reverse, for it was the latter which was of importance to the Thebans. Again this same people published a proclamation giving the various cities freedom and autonomy in accordance with the terms of the peace of Antalcidas, and yet did not withdraw their Harmosts from the cities. Again, having driven the Mantineans from their home, who were at the time their friends and allies, they denied that they were doing any wrong, inasmuch as they removed them from one city and settled them in several. But indeed a man is a fool, as much as a knave, if he imagines that, because he shuts his own eyes, his neighbours cannot see. Their fondness for such tortuous policy proved however, both to the Lacedaemonians and Aetolians, the source of the greatest disasters; and it is not one which should commend itself to the imitation either of individuals or states, if they are well advised.

  King Philip, then, after his interview with the Achaean assembly, started with his army on the way to Macedonia, in all haste to make preparations for war; leaving a pleasant impression in the minds of all the Greeks: for the nature of the decree, which I have mentioned as having been passed by him, gave them good hopes of finding him a man of moderate temper and royal magnanimity.

  [1] ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐπράττετο κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς καθ᾽ οὓς Ἀννίβας, γεγονὼς ἤδη κύριος τῶν ἐντὸς Ἴβηρος ποταμοῦ πάντων, ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπὶ τὴν Ζακανθαίων πόλιν. [2] εἰ μὲν οὖν τὰς πρώτας ἐπιβολὰς τὰς Ἀννίβου ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς πράξεσιν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς εὐθέως ἐπιπεπλέχθαι συνέβαινε, δῆλον ὡς ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ βύβλῳ περὶ τούτων ἂν ἡμᾶς ἐναλλὰξ ἔδει καὶ κατὰ παράθεσιν τοῖς Ἰβηρικοῖς πεποιῆσθαι τὴν ἐξήγησιν, ἀκολουθοῦντας τοῖς καιροῖς: [3] ἐπεὶ δὲ τά τε κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς τῶν πολέμων τούτων ἰδίας εἰλήφει, τὰς δὲ συντελείας κοινάς, καὶ τὴν ἐξήγησιν περὶ αὐτῶν ἐκρίναμεν ποιήσασθαι κατ᾽ ἰδίαν, ἕως ἂν ἐπὶ τὸν καιρὸν ἔλθωμεν τοῦτον ἐν ᾧ συνεπλάκησαν αἱ προειρημέναι πράξεις ἀλλήλαις καὶ πρὸς ἓν τέλος ἤρξαντο τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἔχειν — [4] οὕτως γὰρ ἥ τε περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἑκάστων ἔσται διήγησις σαφὴς ἥ τε συμπλοκὴ καταφανής, περὶ ἧς ἐν ἀρχαῖς ἐνεδειξάμεθα, παραδείξαντες πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ δι᾽ �
��ς αἰτίας γέγονε — λοιπὸν ἤδη κοινὴν ποιήσασθαι περὶ πάντων τὴν ἱστορίαν. [5] ἐγένετο δ᾽ ἡ συμπλοκὴ τῶν πράξεων περὶ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου συντέλειαν κατὰ τὸ τρίτον ἔτος τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ τετταρακοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος. διὸ καὶ τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα κοινῇ τοῖς καιροῖς ἀκολουθοῦντες ἐξηγησόμεθα, τὰ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν, [6] ὡς εἶπα, προσαναμιμνήσκοντες μόνον τῶν κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ βύβλῳ δεδηλωμένων, ἵνα μὴ μόνον εὐπαρακολούθητος, ἀλλὰ καὶ καταπληκτικὴ γίνηται τοῖς προσέχουσιν ἡ διήγησις.

  28. These transactions were contemporaneous with Hannibal’s expedition against Saguntum, after his conquest of all Iberia south of the Iber. Now, had the first attempts of Hannibal been from the beginning involved with the transactions in Greece, it would have been plainly my proper course to have narrated the latter side by side with those in Iberia in my previous book, with an eye solely to dates. But seeing that the wars in Italy, Greece, and Asia were at their commencements entirely distinct, and yet became finally involved with each other, I decided that my history of them must also be distinct, until I came to the point at which they became inseparably interlaced, and began to tend towards a common conclusion. Thus both will be made clear, — the account of their several commencements: and the time, manner, and causes which led to the complication and amalgamation, of which I spoke in my introduction. This point having been reached, I must thenceforth embrace them all in one uninterrupted narrative. This amalgamation began towards the end of the war, in the third year of the 140th Olympiad. From that year, therefore, my history will, with a due regard to dates, become a general one. Before that year it must be divided into distinct narratives, with a mere recapitulation in each case of the events detailed in the preceding book, introduced for the sake of facilitating the comprehension, and rousing the admiration, of my readers.

  [1] Φίλιππος δὲ παραχειμάζων ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ κατέγραφε τὰς δυνάμεις πρὸς τὴν μέλλουσαν χρείαν ἐπιμελῶς, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἠσφαλίζετο τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερκειμένους τῆς Μακεδονίας βαρβάρους. [2] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συνελθὼν πρὸς Σκερδιλαΐδαν καὶ τολμηρῶς δοὺς αὑτὸν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας, διελέγετο περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας, [3] καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑπισχνούμενος αὐτῷ συγκατασκευάσειν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα πραγμάτων, τὰ δὲ κατηγορῶν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, ὄντων εὐκατηγορήτων, ῥᾳδίως ἔπεισε συγχωρεῖν τοῖς παρακαλουμένοις. [4] μήποτε γὰρ οὐδὲν διαφέρει τὰ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἀδικήματα τῶν κοινῶν, ἀλλὰ πλήθει μόνον καὶ μεγέθει τῶν συμβαινόντων. καὶ γὰρ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν τὸ τῶν ῥᾳδιουργῶν καὶ κλεπτῶν φῦλον τούτῳ μάλιστα τῷ τρόπῳ σφάλλεται, τῷ μὴ ποιεῖν ἀλλήλοις τὰ δίκαια καὶ συλλήβδην διὰ τὰς εἰς αὑτοὺς ἀθεσίας. ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβη γενέσθαι περὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλούς. [5] συνθέμενοι γὰρ τῷ Σκερδιλαΐδᾳ δώσειν μέρος τι τῆς λείας, ἐὰν συνεισβάλῃ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν, πεισθέντος καὶ ποιήσαντος τοῦτο, [6] διαρπάσαντες τὴν τῶν Κυναιθέων πόλιν, καὶ πολλὰ περιελασάμενοι σώματα καὶ θρέμματα, τὸν Σκερδιλαΐδαν οὐδενὸς μερίτην ἐποίησαν τῶν ἁλόντων. [7] διόπερ ὑποκαθημένης ἐκ τούτων αὐτῷ τῆς ὀργῆς, βραχέα προσαναμνήσαντος τοῦ Φιλίππου, ταχέως ὑπήκουσε καὶ συνέθετο μεθέξειν τῆς κοινῆς συμμαχίας, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ λαμβάνειν μὲν εἴκοσι τάλαντα κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτόν, πλεῖν δὲ λέμβοις τριάκοντα καὶ πολεμεῖν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς κατὰ θάλατταν.

  29. Philip then passed the winter in Macedonia, in an energetic enlistment of troops for the coming campaign, and in securing his frontier on the side of the Barbarians. And having accomplished these objects, he met Scerdilaidas and put himself fearlessly in his power, and discussed with him the terms of friendship and alliance; and partly by promising to help him in securing his power in Illyria, and partly by bringing against the Aetolians the charges to which they were only too open, persuaded him without difficulty to assent to his proposals. The fact is that public crimes do not differ from private, except in quantity and extent; and just as in the case of petty thieves, what brings them to ruin more than anything else is that they cheat and are unfaithful to each other, so was it in the case of the Aetolians. They had agreed with Scerdilaidas to give him half the booty, if he would join them in their attack upon Achaea; but when, on his consenting to do so, and actually carrying out his engagement, they had sacked Cynaetha and carried off a large booty in slaves and cattle, they gave him no share in the spoil at all. He was therefore already enraged with them; and required very little persuasion on Philip’s part to induce him to accept the proposal, and agree to join the alliance, on condition of receiving a yearly subsidy of twenty talents; and, in return, putting to sea with thirty galleys and carrying on a naval war with the Aetolians.

  [1] ὁ μὲν οὖν Φίλιππος περὶ ταῦτα διέτριβεν. οἱ δ᾽ ἐξαποσταλέντες πρέσβεις πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους, ἀφικόμενοι πρῶτον εἰς Ἀκαρνανίαν ἐνετύγχανον τούτοις. [2] οἱ δ᾽ Ἀκαρνᾶνες τό τε δόγμα γνησίως συνεπεκύρωσαν καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ χώρας πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκαν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς: καίπερ τούτοις, εἰ καί τισιν ἑτέροις, δίκαιον ἦν συγγνώμην ἔχειν, ὑπερτιθεμένοις καὶ καταμέλλουσι καὶ καθόλου δεδιόσι τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων πόλεμον, [3] καὶ διὰ τὸ παρακεῖσθαι μὲν συντερμονοῦντας τῇ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν χώρᾳ, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον διὰ τὸ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν εὐχειρώτους ὑπάρχειν, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον διὰ τὸ μικροῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις πεῖραν εἰληφέναι τῶν δεινοτάτων διὰ τὴν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς ἀπέχθειαν. [4] ἀλλά μοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ γνήσιοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν οὐδέποτε περὶ πλείονος οὐθὲν ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ καθήκοντος: ὅπερ Ἀκαρνᾶνες ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις καιροῖς οὐδενὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἧττον εὑρίσκονται διατετηρηκότες, καίπερ ἀπὸ μικρᾶς ὁρμώμενοι δυνάμεως. [5] οἷς οὐκ ὀκνητέον κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις κοινωνεῖν πραγμάτων, σπευστέον δὲ μᾶλλον, εἰ καί τισιν ἑτέροις τῶν Ἑλλήνων: καὶ γὰρ ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ στάσιμον ἔχουσί τι καὶ φιλελεύθερον. [6] Ἠπειρῶται δ᾽ ἐκ παραθέσεως διακούσαντες τῶν πρέσβεων τὸ μὲν δόγμα παραπλησίως ἐπεκύρωσαν, τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ἐκφέρειν ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, ἐπειδὰν καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ βασι�
�εὺς ἐξενέγκῃ. [7] τοῖς δὲ παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πρεσβευταῖς ἀπεκρίθησαν ὅτι δέδοκται τοῖς Ἠπειρώταις διατηρεῖν πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὴν εἰρήνην, ἀγεννῶς καὶ ποικίλως χρώμενοι τοῖς πράγμασιν. [8] ἀπεστάλησαν δὲ καὶ πρὸς βασιλέα Πτολεμαῖον πρέσβεις οἱ παρακαλέσοντες αὐτὸν μήτε χρήματα πέμπειν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς μήτ᾽ ἄλλο μηδὲν χορηγεῖν κατὰ Φιλίππου καὶ τῶν

  30. While Philip was thus engaged, the commissioners sent out to the allies were performing their mission. The first place they came to was Acarnania; and the Acarnanians, with a noble promptitude, confirmed the decree and undertook to join the war against the Aetolians with their full forces. And yet they, if any one, might have been excused if they had put the matter off, and hesitated, and shown fear of entering upon a war with their neighbours; both because they lived upon the frontiers of Aetolia, and still more because they were peculiarly open to attack, and, most of all, because they had a short time before experienced the most dreadful disasters from the enmity of the Aetolians. But I imagine that men of noble nature, whether in private or public affairs, look upon duty as the highest consideration; and in adherence to this principle no people in Greece have been more frequently conspicuous than the Acarnanians, although the forces at their command were but slender. With them, above all others in Greece, an alliance should be sought at a crisis, without any misgiving; for they have, individually and collectively, an element of stability and a spirit of liberality. The conduct of the Epirotes was in strong contrast. When they heard what the commissioners had to say, indeed, they, like the Acarnanians, joined in confirming the decree, and voted to go to war with the Aetolians at such time as Philip also did the same; but with ignoble duplicity they told the Aetolian envoys that they had determined to maintain peace with them.