Delphi Complete Works of Polybius

by Polybius

  [1] τοῖς προειρημένοις. καὶ μὴν ὁ πρῶτος αὐτῶν αὐξήσας τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ γενόμενος ἀρχηγὸς τοῦ προσχήματος τῆς οἰκίας, Φίλιππος νικήσας Ἀθηναίους τὴν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ μάχην, οὐ τοσοῦτον ἤνυσε διὰ τῶν ὅπλων ὅσον διὰ τῆς ἐπιεικείας καὶ φιλανθρωπίας τῶν τρόπων. [2] τῷ μὲν γὰρ πολέμῳ καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις αὐτῶν μόνων περιεγένετο καὶ κύριος κατέστη τῶν ἀντιταξαμένων, τῇ δ᾽ εὐγνωμοσύνῃ καὶ μετριότητι πάντας Ἀθηναίους ἅμα καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν ἔσχεν ὑποχείριον, [3] οὐκ ἐπιμετρῶν τῷ θυμῷ τοῖς πραττομένοις, ἀλλὰ μέχρι τούτου πολεμῶν καὶ φιλονεικῶν, ἕως τοῦ λαβεῖν ἀφορμὰς πρὸς ἀπόδειξιν τῆς αὑτοῦ πρᾳότητος καὶ καλοκἀγαθίας. [4] τοιγαροῦν χωρὶς λύτρων ἀποστείλας τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ κηδεύσας Ἀθηναίων τοὺς τετελευτηκότας, ἔτι δὲ συνθεὶς Ἀντιπάτρῳ τὰ τούτων ὀστᾶ καὶ τῶν ἀπαλλαττομένων τοὺς πλείστους ἀμφιέσας, μικρᾷ δαπάνῃ διὰ τὴν ἀγχίνοιαν τὴν μεγίστην πρᾶξιν κατειργάσατο: [5] τὸ γὰρ Ἀθηναίων φρόνημα καταπληξάμενος τῇ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ πρὸς πᾶν ἑτοίμους αὐτοὺς ἔσχε συναγωνιστὰς ἀντὶ πολεμίων. [6] τί δ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρος; ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξοργισθεὶς Θηβαίοις ὥστε τοὺς μὲν οἰκήτορας ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι, τὴν δὲ πόλιν εἰς ἔδαφος κατασκάψαι, τῆς γε πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσεβείας οὐκ ὠλιγώρησε περὶ τὴν κατάληψιν τῆς πόλεως, [7] ἀλλὰ πλείστην ἐποιήσατο πρόνοιαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδ᾽ ἀκούσιον ἁμάρτημα γενέσθαι περὶ τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ καθόλου τὰ τεμένη. [8] καὶ μὴν ὅτε διαβὰς εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν μετεπορεύετο τὴν Περσῶν ἀσέβειαν εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, παρὰ μὲν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπειράθη λαβεῖν δίκην ἀξίαν τῶν σφίσι πεπραγμένων, τῶν δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς καταπεφημισμένων πάντων ἀπέσχετο, καίπερ τῶν Περσῶν μάλιστα περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἐξαμαρτόντων ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόποις. [9] ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἐχρῆν καὶ τότε Φίλιππον ἐν νῷ λαμβάνοντα συνεχῶς μὴ οὕτως τῆς ἀρχῆς ὡς τῆς προαιρέσεως καὶ τῆς μεγαλοψυχίας διάδοχον αὑτὸν ἀναδεικνύναι καὶ κληρονόμον τῶν προειρημένων ἀνδρῶν. [10] ὁ δ᾽ ἵνα μὲν καὶ συγγενὴς Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Φιλίππου φαίνηται μεγάλην ἐποιεῖτο παρ᾽ ὅλον τὸν βίον σπουδήν, ἵνα δὲ ζηλωτὴς οὐδὲ τὸν ἐλάχιστον ἔσχε λόγον. [11] τοιγαροῦν τἀναντία τοῖς προειρημένοις ἀνδράσιν ἐπιτηδεύων τῆς ἐναντίας ἔτυχε παρὰ πᾶσι

  10. Take again the case of Philip, the founder of the family splendour, and the first of the race to establish the greatness of the kingdom. The success which he obtained, after his victory over the Athenians at Chaeronea, was not due so much to his superiority in arms, as to his justice and humanity. His victory in the field gave him the mastery only over those immediately engaged against him; while his equity and moderation secured his hold upon the entire Athenian people and their city. For he did not allow his measures to be dictated by vindictive passion; but laid aside his arms and warlike measures, as soon as he found himself in a position to display the mildness of his temper and the uprightness of his motives. With this view he dismissed his Athenian prisoners without ransom, and took measures for the burial of those who had fallen, and, by the agency of Antipater, caused their bones to be conveyed home; and presented most of those whom he released with suits of clothes. And thus, at small expense, his prudence gained him a most important advantage. The pride of the Athenians was not proof against such magnanimity; and they became his zealous supporters, instead of antagonists, in all his schemes.

  Again in the case of Alexander the Great. He was so enraged with the Thebans that he sold all the inhabitants of the town into slavery, and levelled the city itself with the ground; yet in making its capture he was careful not to outrage religion, and took the utmost precautions against even involuntary damage being done to the temples, or any part of their sacred enclosures. Once more, when he crossed into Asia, to avenge on the Persians the impious outrages which they had inflicted on the Greeks, he did his best to exact the full penalty from men, but refrained from injuring places dedicated to the gods; though it was in precisely such that the injuries of the Persians in Greece had been most conspicuous. These were the precedents which Philip should have called to mind on this occasion; and so have shown himself the successor and heir of these men, — not so much of their power, as of their principles and magnanimity. But throughout his life he was exceedingly anxious to establish his relationship to Alexander and Philip, and yet took not the least pains to imitate them. The result was that, as he advanced in years, as his conduct differed from theirs, so his general reputation came to be different also.

  [1] δόξης, προβαίνων κατὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν. ὧν ἦν ἓν καὶ τὸ τότε πραχθέν. τοῖς γὰρ Αἰτωλῶν ἀσεβήμασι συνεξαμαρτάνων διὰ τὸν θυμὸν καὶ κακῷ κακὸν ἰώμενος οὐδὲν ᾤετο ποιεῖν ἄτοπον. [2] καὶ Σκόπᾳ μὲν καὶ Δωριμάχῳ παρ᾽ ἕκαστον εἰς ἀσέλγειαν καὶ παρανομίαν ὠνείδιζε, τὴν ἐν Δωδώνῃ καὶ Δίῳ προφερόμενος ἀσέβειαν εἰς τὸ θεῖον: αὐτὸς δὲ παραπλήσια ποιῶν οὐκ ᾤετο τῆς ὁμοίας ἐκείνοις τεύξεσθαι δόξης παρὰ τοῖς ἀκούσασι. [3] τὸ μὲν γὰρ παραιρεῖσθαι τῶν πολεμίων καὶ καταφθείρειν φρούρια, λιμένας, πόλεις, ἄνδρας, ναῦς, καρπούς, τἄλλα τὰ τούτοις παραπλήσια, δι᾽ ὧν τοὺς μὲν ὑπεναντίους ἀσθενεστέρους ἄν τις ποιήσαι, τὰ δὲ σφέτερα πράγματα καὶ τὰς ἐπιβολὰς δυναμικωτέρας, ταῦτα μὲν ἀναγκάζουσιν οἱ τοῦ πολέμου νόμοι καὶ τὰ τούτου δίκαια δρᾶν: [4] τὸ δὲ μήτε τοῖς ἰδίοις πράγμασιν ἐπικουρίαν μέλλοντα μηδ᾽ ἡντινοῦν παρασκευάζειν μήτε τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐλάττωσιν πρός γε τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον ἐκ περιττοῦ καὶ ναούς, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἀνδριάντας καὶ πᾶσαν δὴ τὴν τοιαύτην κατασκευὴν λυμαίνεσθαι, πῶς οὐκ ἂν εἴποι τις εἶναι τρόπου καὶ θυμοῦ λυττῶντος ἔργον; [5] οὐ γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἀπωλείᾳ δεῖ καὶ ἀφανισμῷ τοῖς ἀγνοήσασι πολεμεῖν τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ διορθώσει καὶ μεταθέσει τῶν ἡμαρτημένων, οὐδὲ συναναιρεῖν τὰ μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντα τοῖς ἠδικηκόσιν, ἀλλὰ συσσῴζειν μᾶλλον καὶ συνεξαιρεῖσθαι τοῖς ἀναιτ�
�οις τοὺς δοκοῦντας ἀδικεῖν. [6] τυράννου μὲν γὰρ ἔργον ἐστὶ τὸ κακῶς ποιοῦντα τῷ φόβῳ δεσπόζειν ἀκουσίων, μισούμενον καὶ μισοῦντα τοὺς ὑποταττομένους: βασιλέως δὲ τὸ πάντας εὖ ποιοῦντα, διὰ τὴν εὐεργεσίαν καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν ἀγαπώμενον, ἑκόντων ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ προστατεῖν. [7] μάλιστα δ᾽ ἄν τις καταμάθοι τὴν ἁμαρτίαν τὴν τότε Φιλίππου, λαβὼν πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τίνα διάληψιν εἰκὸς ἦν Αἰτωλοὺς ἔχειν, εἰ τἀναντία τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἔπραξε καὶ μήτε τὰς στοὰς μήτε τοὺς ἀνδριάντας διέφθειρε μήτ᾽ ἄλλο μηδὲν ᾐκίσατο τῶν ἀναθημάτων. [8] ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ οἶμαι τὴν βελτίστην ἂν καὶ φιλανθρωποτάτην, συνειδότας μὲν αὑτοῖς τὰ περὶ Δῖον καὶ Δωδώνην πεπραγμένα, σαφῶς δὲ γινώσκοντας ὅθ᾽ ὁ Φίλιππος τότε καὶ πρᾶξαι κύριος ἦν ὃ βουληθείη, καὶ πράξας τὰ δεινότατα δικαίως ἂν ἐδόκει τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι τό γε κατ᾽ ἐκείνους μέρος: [9] διὰ δὲ τὴν αὑτοῦ πρᾳότητα καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν οὐδὲν

  11. The present affair was an instance of this. He imagined that he was doing nothing wrong in giving the rein to his anger, and retaliating upon the impious acts of the Aetolians by similar impieties, and “curing ill by ill”; and while he was always reproaching Scopas and Dorimachus with depravity and abandoned wickedness, on the grounds of their acts of impiety at Dodona and Dium, he imagined that, while emulating their crimes, he would leave quite a different impression of his character in the minds of those to whom he spoke. But the fact is, that whereas the taking and demolishing an enemy’s forts, harbours, cities, men, ships and crops, and other such things, by which our enemy is weakened, and our own interests and tactics supported, are necessary acts according to the laws and rights of war; to deface temples, statues, and such like erections in pure wantonness, and without any prospect of strengthening oneself or weakening the enemy, must be regarded as an act of blind passion and insanity. For the purpose with which good men wage war is not the destruction and annihilation of the wrongdoers, but the reformation and alteration of the wrongful acts. Nor is it their object to involve the innocent in the destruction of the guilty, but rather to see that those who are held to be guilty should share in the preservation and elevation of the guiltless. It is the act of a tyrant to inflict injury, and so to maintain his power over unwilling subjects by terror, — hated, and hating those under him: but it is the glory of a king to secure, by doing good to all, that he should rule over willing subjects, whose love he has earned by humanity and beneficence.

  But the best way of appreciating the gravity of Philip’s mistake is to put before our eyes the idea which the Aetolians would probably have conceived of him, had he acted in an opposite way, and destroyed neither colonnades nor statutes, nor done injury to any of the sacred offerings. For my part I think it would have been one of the greatest goodness and humanity. For they would have had on their consciences their own acts at Dium and Dodona; and would have seen unmistakably that, whereas Philip was absolutely master of the situation, and could do what he chose, and would have been held fully justified as far as their deserts went in taking the severest measures, yet deliberately, from mere gentleness and magnanimity, he refused to copy their conduct in any respect.

  [1] εἵλετο τῶν ὁμοίων ἐκείνοις ἐπιτηδεύειν. δῆλον γὰρ ἐκ τούτων ὡς εἰκὸς ἦν αὑτῶν μὲν καταγινώσκειν, τὸν δὲ Φίλιππον ἀποδέχεσθαι καὶ θαυμάζειν, ὡς βασιλικῶς καὶ μεγαλοψύχως αὐτοῦ: χρωμένου τῇ τε πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείᾳ καὶ τῇ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὀργῇ. [2] καὶ μὴν τό γε νικῆσαι τοὺς πολεμίους καλοκἀγαθίᾳ καὶ τοῖς δικαίοις οὐκ ἐλάττω, μείζω δὲ παρέχεται χρείαν τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις κατορθωμάτων. [3] οἷς μὲν γὰρ δι᾽ ἀνάγκην, οἷς δὲ κατὰ προαίρεσιν εἴκουσιν οἱ λειφθέντες: καὶ τὰ μὲν μετὰ μεγάλων ἐλαττωμάτων ποιεῖται τὴν διόρθωσιν, τὰ δὲ χωρὶς βλάβης πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον μετατίθησι τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας. [4] τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ἐν οἷς μὲν τὸ πλεῖστόν ἐστι τῆς πράξεως τῶν ὑποταττομένων, ἐν οἷς δ᾽ αὐτοτελὴς ἡ νίκη γίνεται τῶν ἡγουμένων. [5] ἴσως μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἄν τις αὐτῷ Φιλίππῳ τῶν τότε γενομένων πᾶσαν ἐπιφέροι τὴν αἰτίαν διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, τὸ πλεῖον δὲ τοῖς συνοῦσι καὶ συμπράττουσι τῶν φίλων, ὧν ἦν Ἄρατος καὶ Δημήτριος ὁ Φάριος. [6] ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐ δυσχερὲς ἀποφήνασθαι καὶ μὴ παρόντα τότε ποτέρου τὴν τοιαύτην εἰκὸς εἶναι συμβουλίαν. [7] χωρὶς γὰρ τῆς κατὰ τὸν ὅλον βίον προαιρέσεως, ἐν ᾗ περὶ μὲν Ἄρατον οὐδὲν ἂν εὑρεθείη προπετὲς οὐδ᾽ ἄκριτον, περὶ δὲ Δημήτριον τἀναντία, καὶ δεῖγμα τῆς προαιρέσεως ἑκατέρων ἐν οἷς συνεβουλεύσαντο Φιλίππῳ παραπλησίως ὁμολογούμενον ἔχομεν: [8] ὑπὲρ οὗ λαβόντες τὸν οἰκεῖον καιρὸν ποιησόμεθα τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν μνήμην.

  12. Clearly these considerations would most probably have led them to condemn themselves, and to view Philip with respect and admiration for his kingly and high minded qualities, shown by his respect for religion and by the moderation of his anger against themselves. For in truth to conquer one’s enemies in integrity and equity is not of less, but of greater, practical advantage than victories in the field. In the one case the defeated party yields under compulsion; in the other with cheerful assent. In the one case the victor effects his reformation at the cost of great losses; in the other he recalls the erring to better courses without any damage to himself. But above all, in the one case the chief credit of the victory belongs to the soldiers, in the other it falls wholly and solely to the part of the leaders.

  Perhaps, however, one ought not to lay all the blame for what was done on that occasion on Philip, taking his age into consideration; but chiefly on his friends, who were in attendance upon him and co-operating with him, among whom were Aratus and Demetrius of Pharos. In regard to them it would not be difficult to assert, even without being there, from which of the two a counsel of this sort proceeded. For apart from the general principles animating the whole course of his life, in which nothing savouring of rashness and want of judgment can be alleged of Aratus, while the exact contrary may be said of Demetrius, we have an undisputed instance of the principles actuating both the one and the other in analogous circumstances, on which I shall speak in its proper place.

  [1] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος — ἀπὸ γὰρ τούτων παρεξέβην — ὅσα δυνατὸν ἦν ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν ἀναλαβὼν ἐκ τοῦ Θέρμου προῆγε, ποιούμενος τὴν αὐτὴν ἐπάνοδον ᾗ καὶ παρεγένετο, προβαλόμενος μὲν τὴν λείαν εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν καὶ τὰ βαρέα τῶν ὅπλων, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς οὐραγίας ἀπολιπὼν τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας καὶ τοὺς μισθοφόρους, [2] σπεύδων ὡς τάχι
στα διανύσαι τὰς δυσχωρίας διὰ τὸ προσδοκᾶν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐξάψεσθαι τῆς οὐραγίας, πιστεύοντας ταῖς ὀχυρότησι τῶν τόπων. [3] ὃ καὶ συνέβη γενέσθαι παρὰ πόδας. οἱ γὰρ Αἰτωλοὶ προσβεβοηθηκότες καὶ συνηθροισμένοι σχεδὸν εἰς τρισχιλίους, ἕως μὲν ὁ Φίλιππος ἦν ἐπὶ τῶν μετεώρων, οὐκ ἤγγιζον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔμενον ἔν τισι τόποις ἀδήλοις, Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Τριχωνέως προεστῶτος αὐτῶν: ἅμα δὲ τῷ κινῆσαι τὴν οὐραγίαν ἐπέβαλον εὐθέως εἰς τὸν Θέρμον καὶ προσέκειντο τοῖς ἐσχάτοις. [4] γινομένης δὲ ταραχῆς περὶ τὴν οὐραγίαν, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐκθύμως οἱ παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐπέκειντο καὶ προσέφερον τὰς χεῖρας, πιστεύοντες τοῖς τόποις. [5] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, προειδὼς τὸ μέλλον, ὑπό τινα λόφον ὑπεστάλκει τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς ἐν τῇ καταβάσει καὶ τῶν πελταστῶν τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους. [6] ὧν διαναστάντων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐπικειμένους καὶ προπεπτωκότας τῶν ὑπεναντίων, τοὺς μὲν λοιποὺς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀνοδίᾳ καὶ προτροπάδην συνέβη φυγεῖν, ἑκατὸν δὲ καὶ τριάκοντα πεσεῖν, ἁλῶναι δ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τούτων ἐλάττους. [7] γενομένου δὲ τοῦ προτερήματος τούτου, ταχέως οἱ περὶ τὴν οὐραγίαν, ἐμπρήσαντες τὸ Πάμφιον καὶ μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας διελθόντες τὰ στενά, συνέμιξαν τοῖς Μακεδόσιν: [8] ὁ γὰρ Φίλιππος ἐστρατοπεδευκὼς περὶ τὴν Μέταπαν ἐνταυθοῖ προσανεδέχετο τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς οὐραγίας. εἰς δὲ τὴν ὑστεραίαν κατασκάψας τὴν Μέταπαν προῆγε, καὶ παρενέβαλε περὶ τὴν καλουμένην πόλιν Ἄκρας. [9] τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἅμα προάγων ἐπόρθει τὴν χώραν, καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύσας περὶ Κωνώπην ἐπέμεινε τὴν ἐχομένην ἡμέραν. [10] τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ πάλιν ἀναζεύξας ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν παρὰ τὸν Ἀχελῷον ἕως ἐπὶ τὸν Στράτον. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐπέστησε τὴν δύναμιν ἐκτὸς βέλους,