by Polybius
Thus was the rebellion of Molon and the rising in the upper Satrapies suppressed and quieted.
[1] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐπαρθεὶς τῷ γεγονότι προτερήματι, καὶ βουλόμενος ἀναταθῆναι καὶ καταπλήξασθαι τοὺς ὑπερκειμένους ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ σατραπείαις καὶ συνοροῦντας δυνάστας τῶν βαρβάρων, ἵνα μήτε συγχορηγεῖν μήτε συμπολεμεῖν τολμῶσι τοῖς ἀποστάταις αὐτοῦ γινομένοις, ἐπεβάλετο στρατεύειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, καὶ πρῶτον ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀρταβαζάνην, [2] ὃς ἐδόκει βαρύτατος εἶναι καὶ πρακτικώτατος τῶν δυναστῶν, δεσπόζειν δὲ καὶ τῶν Σατραπείων καλουμένων καὶ τῶν τούτοις συντερμονούντων ἐθνῶν. [3] Ἑρμείας δὲ κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους ἐδεδίει μὲν τὴν εἰς τοὺς ἄνω τόπους στρατείαν διὰ τὸν κίνδυνον, ὠρέγετο δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον στρατείας: [4] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ προσπεσόντος υἱὸν γεγονέναι τῷ βασιλεῖ, νομίσας καὶ παθεῖν ἄν τι τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐν τοῖς ἄνω τόποις ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ παραδοῦναι καιροὺς αὑτῷ πρὸς ἐπαναίρεσιν, συγκατέθετο τῇ στρατείᾳ, [5] πεπεισμένος, ἐὰν ἐπανέληται τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ἐπιτροπεύων τοῦ παιδίου κύριος ἔσεσθαι τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτός. [6] κριθέντων δὲ τούτων ὑπερβαλόντες τὸν Ζάγρον ἐνέβαλον εἰς τὴν Ἀρταβαζάνου χώραν, [7] ἣ παράκειται μὲν τῇ Μηδίᾳ, διειργούσης αὐτὴν τῆς ἀνὰ μέσον κειμένης ὀρεινῆς, ὑπέρκειται δ᾽ αὐτῆς τινὰ μέρη τοῦ Πόντου κατὰ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τὸν Φᾶσιν τόπους, συνάπτει δὲ πρὸς τὴν Ὑρκανίαν θάλατταν, [8] ἔχει δὲ πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν ἀλκίμων καὶ μᾶλλον ἱππέων, αὐτάρκης δὲ καὶ ταῖς λοιπαῖς ἐστι ταῖς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευαῖς. [9] ταύτην δὲ συμβαίνει τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπὸ Περσῶν ἔτι διατηρεῖσθαι, παροραθείσης αὐτῆς ἐν τοῖς κατ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον καιροῖς. [10] ὁ δ᾽ Ἀρταβαζάνης, καταπλαγεὶς τὴν ἔφοδον τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, τελέως γὰρ ἤδη γηραιὸς ἦν, εἴξας τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐποιήσατο συνθήκας εὐδοκουμένας Ἀντιόχῳ.
55. Elated by his success, and wishing to strike awe and terror into the minds of the princes of the barbarians who were near, or conterminous with his own Satrapies, that they might never venture to aid by supplies or arms those who revolted from him, he determined to march against them. And first of all against Artabazanes, who appeared to be the most formidable and able of all the princes, and who ruled over a tribe called the Satrapeii, and others on their borders. But Hermeias was at that time afraid of an expedition further up country, owing to its danger; and was always yearning for the expedition against Ptolemy in accordance with his original plan. When news, however, came that a son had been born to the king, thinking that Antiochus might possibly fall by the hands of the barbarians in upper Asia, or give him opportunities of putting him out of the way, he consented to the expedition; believing that, if he could only effect the death of Antiochus, he would be guardian to his son and so sole master of the whole kingdom. This having been decided, the army crossed Mount Zagrus and entered the territory of Artabazanes, which borders on Media, and is separated from it by an intervening chain of mountains. Part of it overlooks the Pontus, near the valley of the Phasis; and it extends to the Hyrcanian Sea. Its inhabitants are numerous and warlike and especially strong in horsemen; while the district produces within itself all other things necessary for war. The dynasty has lasted from the time of the Persians, having been overlooked at the period of Alexander’s conquests. But now in great alarm at the king’s approach, and at his own infirmities, for he was an extremely old man, Artabazanes yielded to the force of circumstances, and made a treaty with Antiochus on his own terms.
[1] τούτων δὲ κυρωθέντων Ἀπολλοφάνης ὁ ἰατρός, ἀγαπώμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως διαφερόντως, θεωρῶν τὸν Ἑρμείαν οὐκέτι φέροντα κατὰ σχῆμα τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἠγωνία μὲν καὶ περὶ τοῦ βασιλέως, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον ὑπώπτευε καὶ κατάφοβος ἦν ὑπὲρ τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτόν. [2] διὸ λαβὼν καιρὸν προσφέρει τῷ βασιλεῖ λόγον, παρακαλῶν μὴ ῥᾳθυμεῖν μηδ᾽ ἀνυπονόητον εἶναι τῆς Ἑρμείου τόλμης, μηδ᾽ ἕως τούτου περιμεῖναι μέχρις ἂν οὗ τοῖς ὁμοίοις τἀδελφῷ παλαίῃ συμπτώμασιν. [3] ἀπέχειν δ᾽ οὐ μακρὰν αὐτὸν ἔφη τοῦ κινδύνου: διὸ προσέχειν ἠξίου καὶ βοηθεῖν κατὰ σπουδὴν αὑτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς φίλοις. [4] τοῦ δ᾽ Ἀντιόχου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀνθομολογησαμένου διότι καὶ δυσαρεστεῖ καὶ φοβεῖται τὸν Ἑρμείαν, ἐκείνῳ δὲ μεγάλην χάριν ἔχειν φήσαντος ἐπὶ τῷ κηδεμονικῶς τετολμηκέναι περὶ τούτων εἰπεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν, [5] ὁ μὲν Ἀπολλοφάνης εὐθαρσὴς ἐγένετο τῷ δοκεῖν μὴ διεψεῦσθαι τῆς αἱρέσεως καὶ διαλήψεως τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως, [6] ὁ δ᾽ Ἀντίοχος ἠξίου τὸν Ἀπολλοφάνην συνεπιλαβέσθαι μὴ μόνον τοῖς λόγοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἔργοις τῆς αὑτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν φίλων σωτηρίας. [7] τοῦ δὲ πρὸς πᾶν ἑτοίμως ἔχειν φήσαντος, συμφρονήσαντες μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ προβαλόμενοι σκῆψιν ὡς σκοτωμάτων τινῶν ἐπιπεπτωκότων τῷ βασιλεῖ, τὴν μὲν θεραπείαν ἀπέλυσαν ἐπί τινας ἡμέρας καὶ τοὺς εἰθισμένους παρευτακτεῖν, [8] πρὸς δὲ τοὺς φίλους ἔλαβον ἐξουσίαν οἷς βούλοιντο κατ᾽ ἰδίαν χρηματίζειν διὰ τὴν τῆς ἐπισκέψεως πρόφασιν. [9] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ κατασκευασάμενοι τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν, πάντων ἑτοίμως αὐτοῖς συνυπακουόντων διὰ τὸ πρὸς τὸν Ἑρμείαν μῖσος, ἐγίνοντο πρὸς τὸ συντελεῖν τὴν ἐπιβολήν. [10] φασκόντων δὲ δεῖν τῶν ἰατρῶν ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς περιπάτους ὑπὸ τὸ ψῦχος τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ὁ μὲν Ἑρμείας ἧκε πρὸς τὸν ταχθέντα καιρόν, ἅμα δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τῶν φίλων οἱ συνειδότες τὴν πρᾶξιν, [11] οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ καθυστέρουν διὰ τὸ πολὺ παρηλλάχθαι τὴν ἔξοδον τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς τὸν εἰθισμένον καιρόν. [12] διόπερ ἀποσπάσαντες αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς στρατοπεδείας εἴς τινα τόπον ἔρημον, κἄπειτα μικρὸν ἀπονεύσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως ὡς ἐπί τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἐξεκέντησαν. [13] Ἑρμείας μὲν οὖν τ�
�ύτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον, οὐδεμίαν ὑποσχὼν τιμωρίαν ἀξίαν τῶν αὑτῷ πεπραγμένων: [14] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀπολυθεὶς φόβου καὶ δυσχρηστίας πολλῆς ἐπανῆγε ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπ᾽ οἴκου, πάντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἀποδεχομένων τάς τε πράξεις αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἐπιβολάς, καὶ μάλιστα κατὰ τὴν δίοδον ἐπισημαινομένων τὴν Ἑρμείου μετάστασιν. [15] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἀπάμειαν αἱ μὲν γυναῖκες τὴν γυναῖκα τὴν Ἑρμείου κατέλευσαν, οἱ δὲ παῖδες τοὺς υἱεῖς.
56. It was after the settlement of this treaty that Apollophanes, the physician, who was regarded with great affection by the king, observing that Hermeias was getting beyond all bounds in his high place, began to be anxious for the king’s safety, and still more suspicious and uneasy for his own. He took an opportunity, therefore, of conveying a suggestion to the king, that he had better not be too careless or unsuspicious of the audacious character of Hermeias; nor let things go on until he found himself involved in a disaster like that of his brother. “The danger,” he said, “is not at all remote.” And he begged him to be on his guard, and take prompt measures for the safety of himself and his friends. Antiochus owned to him that he disliked and feared Hermeias; and thanked him for the care of his person, which had emboldened him to speak to him on the subject. This conversation encouraged Apollophanes by convincing him that he had not been mistaken about the feelings and opinions of the king; and Antiochus begged him not to confine his assistance to words, but to take some practical steps to secure the safety of himself and his friends. Upon Apollophanes replying that he was ready to do anything in the world, they concerted the following plan. On the pretext of the king being afflicted with an attack of vertigo, it was given out that the daily attendance of courtiers and officials was to be discontinued for a few days: the king and his physician thus getting the opportunity of conferring with such of his friends as he chose, who came on the pretext of visiting him. In the course of these visits suitable persons for carrying out the design were prepared and instructed; and every one readily responding to the proposal, from hatred of Hermeias, they proceeded to complete it. The physicians having prescribed walks at daybreak for Antiochus on account of the coolness, Hermeias came to the place assigned for the walk, and with him those of the king’s friends who were privy to the design; while the rest were much too late on account of the time of the king’s coming out being very different from what it had usually been. Thus they got Hermeias gradually a considerable distance from the camp, until they came to a certain lonely spot, and then, on the king’s going a little off the road, on the pretence of a necessary purpose, they stabbed him to death. Such was the end of Hermeias, whose punishment was by no means equal to his crimes. Thus freed from much fear and embarrassment, the king set out on his march home amidst universal manifestations from the people of the country in favour of his measures and policy; but nothing was more emphatically applauded in the course of his progress than the removal of Hermeias. In Apameia, at the same time, the women stoned the wife of Hermeias to death, and the boys his sons.
[1] Ἀντίοχος δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, καὶ διαφεὶς τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς παραχειμασίαν, διεπέμπετο πρὸς τὸν Ἀχαιόν, [2] ἐγκαλῶν καὶ διαμαρτυρόμενος πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ τετολμηκέναι διάδημα περιθέσθαι καὶ βασιλέα χρηματίζειν, δεύτερον δὲ προλέγων ὡς οὐ λανθάνει κοινοπραγῶν Πτολεμαίῳ καὶ καθόλου πλείω τοῦ δέοντος κινούμενος. [3] ὁ γὰρ Ἀχαιός, καθ᾽ οὓς καιροὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀρταβαζάνην ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐστράτευε, πεισθεὶς καὶ παθεῖν ἄν τι τὸν Ἀντίοχον, καὶ μὴ παθόντος ἐλπίσας διὰ τὸ μῆκος [4] τῆς ἀποστάσεως φθάσειν ἐμβαλὼν εἰς Συρίαν καὶ συνεργοῖς χρησάμενος Κυρρησταῖς τοῖς ἀποστάταις γεγονόσι τοῦ βασιλέως ταχέως ἂν κρατῆσαι τῶν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν πραγμάτων, ὥρμησε μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως ἐκ Λυδίας. [5] παραγενόμενος δ᾽ εἰς Λαοδίκειαν τὴν ἐν Φρυγίᾳ διάδημά τε περιέθετο καὶ βασιλεὺς τότε πρῶτον ἐτόλμησε χρηματίζειν καὶ γράφειν πρὸς τὰς πόλεις; Γαρσυήριδος αὐτὸν τοῦ φυγάδος εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος μάλιστα προτρεψαμένου. προάγοντος δὲ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς αὐτοῦ, [6] καὶ σχεδὸν ἤδη περὶ Λυκαονίαν ὄντος, αἱ δυνάμεις ἐστασίασαν, δυσαρεστούμεναι τῷ δοκεῖν γίνεσθαι τὴν στρατείαν ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ φύσιν αὐτῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπάρχοντα βασιλέα. [7] διόπερ Ἀχαιὸς συνεὶς τὴν ἐν αὐτοῖς διατροπὴν τῆς μὲν προκειμένης ἐπιβολῆς ἀπέστη, βουλόμενος δὲ πεισθῆναι τὰς δυνάμεις ὡς οὐδ᾽ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπεβάλετο στρατεύειν εἰς Συρίαν, ἐπιστρέψας πορθεῖ τὴν Πισιδικήν, [8] καὶ πολλὰς ὠφελείας παρασκευάσας τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, πάντας εὔνους αὑτῷ καὶ πεπιστευκότας ἔχων ἐπανῆλθε πάλιν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.
57. When he had reached home and had dismissed his troops into winter quarters, Antiochus sent a message to Achaeus, protesting against his assumption of the diadem and royal title, and warning him that he was aware of his dealings with Ptolemy, and of his restless intrigues generally. For while the king was engaged on his expedition against Artabazanes, Achaeus, being persuaded that Antiochus would fall, or that, if he did not fall, would be so far off, that it would be possible for him to invade Syria before his return, and with the assistance of the Cyrrhestae, who were in revolt against the king, seize the kingdom, started from Lydia with his whole army; and on arriving at Laodiceia, in Phrygia, assumed the diadem, and had the audacity for the first time to adopt the title of king, and to send royal despatches to the cities, the exile Garsyeris being his chief adviser in this measure. But as he advanced farther and farther, and was now almost at Lycaonia, a mutiny broke out among his forces, arising from the dissatisfaction of the men at the idea of being led against their natural king. When Achaeus found that this disturbed state of feeling existed among them, he desisted from his enterprise; and wishing to make his men believe that he had never had any intention of invading Syria, he directed his march into Pisidia, and plundered the country. By thus securing large booty for his army he conciliated its affection and confidence, and then returned to his own Satrapy.
[1] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς σαφῶς ἕκαστα τούτων ἐπεγνωκώς, πρὸς μὲν τὸν Ἀχαιὸν διεπέμπετο συνεχῶς ἀνατεινόμενος, καθάπερ ἐπάνω προεῖπον, πρὸς δὲ ταῖς ἐπὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον παρασκευαῖς ὅλος καὶ πᾶς ἦν. [2] διὸ καὶ συναθροίσας εἰς Ἀπάμειαν τὰς δυνάμεις ὑπὸ τὴν ἐαρινὴν ὥραν, ἀνέδωκε τοῖς φίλοις διαβούλιον πῶς χρηστέον ἐστὶ ταῖς εἰς Κοίλην Συρίαν εἰσβολαῖς. [3] πολλῶν δ᾽ εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ῥηθέντων καὶ περὶ τῶν τόπων καὶ περὶ παρασκευῆς καὶ περὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν ναυτικ�
��ν δύναμιν συνεργείας, Ἀπολλοφάνης, ὑπὲρ οὗ καὶ πρότερον εἴπαμεν, τὸ γένος ὢν Σελευκεύς, ἐπέτεμε πάσας τὰς προειρημένας γνώμας: [4] ἔφη γὰρ εὔηθες εἶναι τὸ Κοίλης μὲν Συρίας ἐπιθυμεῖν καὶ στρατεύειν ἐπὶ ταύτην, Σελεύκειαν δὲ περιορᾶν ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίου κρατουμένην, ἀρχηγέτιν οὖσαν καὶ σχεδὸν ὡς εἰπεῖν ἑστίαν ὑπάρχουσαν τῆς αὑτῶν δυναστείας. [5] ἣν χωρὶς τῆς αἰσχύνης, ἣν περιποιεῖ νῦν τῇ βασιλείᾳ φρουρουμένη διὰ τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ βασιλέων, καὶ πρὸς πραγμάτων λόγον μεγίστας ἔχειν καὶ καλλίστας ἀφορμάς. [6] κρατουμένην μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μέγιστον ἐμπόδιον εἶναι πρὸς πάσας αὐτοῖς τὰς ἐπιβολάς: [7] οὗ γὰρ ἂν ἐπινοήσωσιν ἀεὶ προβαίνειν, οὐκ ἐλάττονος δεῖσθαι προνοίας καὶ φυλακῆς αὐτοῖς τοὺς οἰκείους τόπους διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ ταύτης φόβον τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους παρασκευῆς. [8] κρατηθεῖσάν γε μὴν οὐ μόνον ἔφη δύνασθαι βεβαίως τηρεῖν τὴν οἰκείαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας ἐπινοίας καὶ προθέσεις καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν μεγάλα δύνασθαι συνεργεῖν διὰ τὴν εὐκαιρίαν τοῦ τόπου. [9] πεισθέντων δὲ πάντων τοῖς λεγομένοις, ἔδοξε ταύτην πρώτην ἐξαιρεῖν τὴν πόλιν: [10] συνέβαινε γὰρ Σελεύκειαν ἔτι τότε κατέχεσθαι φρουραῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου βασιλέων ἐκ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Εὐεργέτην ἐπικληθέντα Πτολεμαῖον καιρῶν, [11] ἐν οἷς ἐκεῖνος διὰ τὰ Βερενίκης συμπτώματα καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ ἐκείνης ὀργὴν στρατεύσας εἰς τοὺς κατὰ Συρίαν τόπους ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο ταύτης τῆς πόλεως.