by Polybius
88. About the same period the earthquake occurred at Rhodes, which overthrew the great Colossus and the larger part of the walls and dockyards. But the adroit policy of the Rhodians converted this misfortune into an opportunity; and under their skilful management, instead of adding to their embarrassments, it became the means of restoring their prosperity. So decisive in human affairs, public or private, is the difference between incapacity and good sense, between idle indifference and a close attention to business. Good fortune only damages the one, while disaster is but a means of recovery to the other. This was illustrated by the manner in which the Rhodians turned the misfortune that befel them to account. They enhanced its magnitude and importance by the prominence which they gave it, and the serious tone in which they spoke of it, as well by the mouth of their ambassadors as in the intercourse of private life; and they created thus such an effect upon other states, and especially upon the feelings of the kings, that they were not only overwhelmed with presents, but made the donors feel actually obliged for their acceptance of them. Hiero and Gelo, for instance, presented them with seventy-five talents of silver, part at once, and the rest at a very short interval, as a contribution towards the expenses of the gymnasium; gave them for religious purposes some silver cauldrons and their stands, and some water vessels; and in addition to this ten talents for their sacrifices, and ten more to attract new citizens: their intention being that the whole present should amount to a hundred talents. Not only so, but they gave immunity from customs to Rhodian merchants coming to their ports; and presented them besides with fifty catapults of three cubits length. In spite too of these large gifts, they regarded themselves as under an obligation to the Rhodians; and accordingly erected statues in the Deigma or Mart of Rhodes, representing the community of Rhodes crowned by that of Syracuse.
[1] Συρακοσίων. ἐπηγγείλατο δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαῖος αὐτοῖς ἀργυρίου τάλαντα τριακόσια καὶ σίτου μυριάδας ἀρταβῶν ἑκατόν, ξύλα δὲ ναυπηγήσιμα δέκα πεντήρων καὶ δέκα τριήρων, πευκίνων τετραγώνων πήχεις ἐμμέτρους τετρακισμυρίους, [2] καὶ χαλκοῦ νομίσματος τάλαντα χίλια, στυππίου τρισχίλι᾽, ὀθονίων ἱστοὺς τρισχιλίους, [3] εἰς τὴν τοῦ κολοσσοῦ κατασκευὴν τάλαντα τρισχίλι᾽, οἰκοδόμους ἑκατόν, ὑπουργοὺς τριακοσίους καὶ πεντήκοντα, καὶ τούτοις καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἔτος εἰς ὀψώνιον τάλαντα δεκατέτταρα, [4] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις εἰς τοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ τὰς θυσίας ἀρτάβας σίτου μυρίας δισχιλίας, καὶ μὴν εἰς σιτομετρίαν δέκα τριήρων ἀρτάβας δισμυρίας. [5] καὶ τούτων ἔδωκε τὰ μὲν πλεῖστα παραχρῆμα, τοῦ δ᾽ ἀργυρίου παντὸς τὸ τρίτον μέρος. [6] παραπλησίως Ἀντίγονος ξύλ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ἑκκαιδεκαπήχους ἕως ὀκταπήχους εἰς σφηκίσκων λόγον μύρια, στρωτῆρας ἑπταπήχεις πεντακισχιλίους, σιδήρου τάλαντα τρισχίλια, πίττης τάλαντα χίλι᾽, ἄλλης ὠμῆς μετρητὰς χιλίους, ἀργυρίου πρὸς τούτοις ἑκατὸν ἐπηγγείλατο τάλαντα, [7] Χρυσηὶς δ᾽ ἡ γυνὴ δέκα μὲν σίτου μυριάδας, τρισχίλια δὲ μολίβδου τάλαντα. [8] Σέλευκος δ᾽ ὁ πατὴρ Ἀντιόχου χωρὶς μὲν ἀτέλειαν τοῖς εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ βασιλείαν πλοϊζομένοις, χωρὶς δὲ πεντήρεις μὲν δέκα κατηρτισμένας, σίτου δ᾽ εἴκοσι μυριάδας, [9] καὶ μὴν ξύλων καὶ ῥητίνης καὶ τριχὸς μυριάδας πηχῶν καὶ ταλάντων χιλιάδας.
89. Then too Ptolemy offered them three hundred talents of silver; a million medimni of corn; ship timber for ten quinqueremes and ten triremes, consisting of forty thousand cubits of squared pine planking; a thousand talents of bronze coinage; three thousand talents of tow; three thousand pieces of sail cloth; three thousand talents for the repair of the Colossus; a hundred master builders with three hundred and fifty workmen, and fourteen talents yearly to pay their wages. Besides this he gave twelve thousand medimni of corn for their public games and sacrifices, and twenty thousand medimni for victualling ten triremes. The greater part of these goods was delivered at once, as well as a third of the whole of the money named. In a similar spirit Antigonus offered ten thousand timbers, varying from sixteen to eight cubits in length, to be used as purlins; five thousand rafters seven cubits long; three thousand talents of iron; a thousand talents of pitch; a thousand amphorae of the same unboiled; and a hundred talents of silver besides. His queen, Chryseis, also gave a hundred thousand medimni of corn, and three thousand talents of lead. Again Seleucus, father of Antiochus, besides granting freedom from imports to Rhodians sailing to his dominions, and besides giving ten quinqueremes fully equipped, and two hundred thousand medimni of corn; gave also ten thousand cubits of timber, and a thousand talents of resin and hair.
[1] παραπλήσια δὲ τούτοις Προυσίας καὶ Μιθριδάτης, ἔτι δ᾽ οἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν ὄντες δυνάσται τότε, λέγω δὲ Λυσανίαν, Ὀλύμπιχον, Λιμναῖον. [2] τάς γε μὴν πόλεις τὰς συνεπιλαμβανομένας αὐτοῖς κατὰ δύναμιν οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐξαριθμήσαιτο ῥᾳδίως οὐδείς: [3] ὥσθ᾽ ὅταν μέν τις εἰς τὸν χρόνον ἐμβλέψῃ καὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀφ᾽ οὗ συμβαίνει τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν συνῳκίσθαι, καὶ λίαν θαυμάζειν ὡς βραχεῖ χρόνῳ μεγάλην ἐπίδοσιν εἴληφε περί τε τοὺς κατ᾽ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως: [4] ὅταν δ᾽ εἰς τὴν εὐκαιρίαν τοῦ τόπου καὶ τὴν ἔξωθεν ἐπιφορὰν καὶ συμπλήρωσιν τῆς εὐδαιμονίας, μηκέτι θαυμάζειν, μικροῦ δ᾽ ἐλλείπειν δοκεῖν τοῦ καθήκοντος. [5] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰρήσθω μοι χάριν πρῶτον μὲν τῆς Ῥοδίων περὶ τὰ κοινὰ προστασίας — ἐπαίνου γάρ εἰσιν ἄξιοι καὶ ζήλου — δεύτερον δὲ τῆς τῶν νῦν βασιλέων μικροδοσίας καὶ τῆς τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων μικροληψίας, [6] ἵνα μηθ᾽ οἱ βασιλεῖς τέτταρα καὶ πέντε προϊέμενοι τάλαντα δοκῶσί τι ποιεῖν μέγα καὶ ζητῶσι τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπάρχειν αὐτοῖς εὔνοιαν καὶ τιμὴν παρὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἣν οἱ πρὸ τοῦ βασιλεῖς εἶχον, [7] αἵ τε πόλεις λαμβάνουσαι πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τὸ μέγεθος τῶν πρότερον δωρεῶν μὴ λανθάνωσιν ἐπὶ μικροῖς καὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσι νῦν τὰς μεγίστας καὶ καλλίστας προϊέμεναι τιμάς, [8] ἀλλὰ πειρῶνται τὸ κατ᾽ ἀξίαν ἑκάστοις τηρεῖν, ᾧ πλεῖστον διαφέρουσιν Ἕλληνες τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων.
90. Nor were Prusias and Mithridates far behind these in liberality; nor the princes Lysanias, Olympichus, and Lymnaeas, who were at that time in power in different parts of Asia; and as for states that, according to their several abilities contributed to their assistance, it would be difficult to reckon their number. In fact, though when we regard the time which it took the city to recover its populousness, and the state of desolation from which it started, we cannot fail to be struck at the rapidity and the extent
of its improvement in regard both to private and public wealth; yet when we contemplate the natural advantages of its site, and the contributions from outside which served to raise its fortunes to their original height, this feeling must give way to a conviction that the advance was somewhat less than might have been expected.
My object in giving these details is twofold. I wished to exhibit the brilliant conduct of their public affairs by the Rhodians, for indeed they deserve both to be commended and imitated: and I wished also to point out the insignificance of the gifts bestowed by the kings of our own day, and received by nations and states; that these monarchs may not imagine that by the expenditure of four or five talents they are doing anything so very great, or expect to receive at the hands of the Greeks the honour enjoyed by former kings; and that states when they see before their eyes the magnitude of the presents formerly bestowed, may not, nowadays, in return for insignificant and paltry benefactions, blindly bestow their most ample and splendid honours; but may use that discrimination in apportioning their favours to desert, in which Greeks excel the rest of the world.
[1] ἄρτι δὲ τῆς θερινῆς ὥρας ἐνισταμένης, καὶ στρατηγοῦντος Ἀγήτα μὲν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, Ἀράτου δὲ παρειληφότος τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγίαν — ἀπὸ γὰρ τούτων ἐποιησάμεθα τοῦ συμμαχικοῦ πολέμου τὴν ἐκτροπήν — Λυκοῦργος μὲν ὁ Σπαρτιάτης ἐπανῆκε πάλιν ἐξ Αἰτωλίας: [2] οἱ γὰρ ἔφοροι, ψευδῆ τὴν διαβολὴν εὑρόντες, δι᾽ ἣν ἔφευγε, μετεπέμποντο καὶ μετεκάλουν αὖθις τὸν Λυκοῦργον. [3] οὗτος μὲν οὖν ἐτάττετο πρὸς Πυρρίαν τὸν Αἰτωλόν, ὃς ἐτύγχανε τότε παρὰ τοῖς Ἠλείοις στρατηγὸς ὤν, περὶ τῆς εἰς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν εἰσβολῆς. [4] Ἄρατος δὲ παρειλήφει τό τε ξενικὸν τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν κατεφθαρμένον τάς τε πόλεις ὀλιγώρως διακειμένας πρὸς τὰς εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος εἰσφορὰς διὰ τὸ τὸν πρὸ αὐτοῦ στρατηγὸν Ἐπήρατον, ὡς ἐπάνω προεῖπα, κακῶς καὶ ῥᾳθύμως κεχρῆσθαι τοῖς κοινοῖς πράγμασιν. [5] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ παρακαλέσας τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, καὶ λαβὼν δόγμα περὶ τούτων, ἐνεργὸς ἐγίνετο περὶ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευήν. [6] ἦν δὲ τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ταῦτα: πεζοὺς μὲν τρέφειν μισθοφόρους ὀκτακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακοσίους, τῶν δ᾽ Ἀχαϊκῶν ἐπιλέκτους, πεζοὺς μὲν τρισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ τριακοσίους: [7] εἶναι δὲ τούτων Μεγαλοπολίτας μὲν χαλκάσπιδας, πεζοὺς μὲν πεντακοσίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντήκοντα, καὶ τοὺς ἴσους Ἀργείων. [8] ἔδοξε δὲ καὶ ναῦς πλεῖν τρεῖς μὲν περὶ τὴν Ἀκτὴν καὶ τὸν Ἀργολικὸν κόλπον, τρεῖς δὲ κατὰ Πάτρας καὶ Δύμην καὶ τὴν ταύτῃ θάλατταν.
91. Just at the beginning of this summer, while Agetas was Strategus of the Aetolians, and when Aratus had just become Strategus of the Achaean league, — at which point we broke off in our history of the Social war, — Lycurgus of Sparta returned home from Aetolia. The Ephors had discovered that the charge on which he had been banished was false; and had accordingly sent for him back, and recalled him from exile. He at once began making an arrangement with Pyrrhias the Aetolian, who happened at the time to be commander in Elis, for an invasion of Messenia. Now, when Aratus came into office, he found the mercenary army of the league in a state of complete demoralisation, and the cities very slack to pay the tax for their support, owing to the bad and spiritless manner in which his predecessor Eperatus had managed the affairs of the league. He, however, exhorted the members of the league to reform, and obtained a decree dealing with this matter; and then threw himself with energy into the preparations for the war. The decree passed by the Achaeans ordered the maintenance of eight thousand mercenary infantry and five hundred horse, together with three thousand Achaean infantry and three hundred horse, enrolled in the usual way; and that of these latter five hundred foot and fifty horse were to be brazen-shield men from Megalopolis, and the same number of Argives. It ordered also that three ships should be manned to cruise off Acte and in the Argolic gulf, and three off Patrae and Dyme, and in the sea there.
[1] Ἄρατος μὲν οὖν ταῦτ᾽ ἔπραττε καὶ ταύτας ἐξήρτυε τὰς παρασκευάς: [2] ὁ δὲ Λυκοῦργος καὶ Πυρρίας διαπεμψάμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἵνα ταῖς αὐταῖς ἡμέραις ποιήσωνται τὴν ἔξοδον, προῆγον εἰς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν. [3] ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, συνεὶς τὴν ἐπιβολὴν αὐτῶν, ἧκεν ἔχων τοὺς μισθοφόρους καί τινας τῶν ἐπιλέκτων εἰς τὴν Μεγάλην πόλιν παραβοηθήσων τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις. [4] Λυκοῦργος δ᾽ ἐξορμήσας τὰς μὲν Καλάμας, χωρίον τι τῶν Μεσσηνίων, προδοσίᾳ κατέσχε, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα προῆγε, σπεύδων συμμῖξαι τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς. [5] ὁ δὲ Πυρρίας παντελῶς ἐλαφρὸς ἐξελθὼν ἐκ τῆς Ἤλιδος, καὶ κατὰ τὴν εἰσβολὴν τὴν εἰς Μεσσηνίαν εὐθέως κωλυθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Κυπαρισσέων, ἀνέστρεψε. [6] διόπερ ὁ Λυκοῦργος, οὔτε συμμῖξαι δυνάμενος τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πυρρίαν οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἀξιόχρεως ὑπάρχων, ἐπὶ βραχὺ προσβολὰς ποιησάμενος πρὸς τὴν Ἀνδανίαν ἄπρακτος αὖθις εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην ἀπηλλάγη. [7] Ἄρατος δέ, διαπεσούσης τοῖς πολεμίοις τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, τὸ κατὰ λόγον ποιῶν καὶ προνοούμενος τοῦ μέλλοντος, συνετάξατο πρός τε Ταυρίωνα παρασκευάζειν ἱππεῖς πεντήκοντα καὶ πεζοὺς πεντακοσίους καὶ πρὸς Μεσσηνίους, ἵνα τοὺς ἴσους τούτοις ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς ἐξαποστείλωσι, [8] βουλόμενος τούτοις μὲν τοῖς ἀνδράσι παραφυλάττεσθαι τήν τε τῶν Μεσσηνίων χώραν καὶ Μεγαλοπολιτῶν καὶ Τεγεατῶν, ἔτι δὲ τῶν Ἀργείων — [9] αὗται γὰρ αἱ χῶραι, συντερμονοῦσαι τῇ Λακωνικῇ πρόκεινται τῶν ἄλλων Πελοποννησίων πρὸς τὸν ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων πόλεμον — [10] τοῖς δ᾽ Ἀχαϊκοῖς ἐπιλέκτοις καὶ μισθοφόροις τὰ πρὸς τὴν Ἠλείαν καὶ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν ἐστραμμένα μέρη τῆς Ἀχαΐας τηρεῖν.