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  funds also from the party (Party Treasurer Schwarz). Berger to Himmler, July 2, 1941,

  NO-29. In addition, he received contributions from industry. Von Schröder to Himmler,

  enclosing 1,100,000 reichsmark, September 21, 1943, EC-453.

  29. Affidavit by Schellenberg (Security Service), November 21, PS-3033. On Heyd-

  rich, see the biography by Günther Deschner, Reinhard Heydrich (New York, 1981).

  30. Daluege to Wolff, February 28, 1943, NO-2861. Main Office Order Police also

  included technical services, fire fighters, and other services.

  201

  CONCENTRATION

  regional machinery of the main offices was coordinated by the Higher

  SS

  and

  Police

  Leaders,

  in

  accordance

  with

  the

  usual

  functional-

  territorial pattern:

  Himmler------------- ►Higher SS and Police Leader

  I

  I

  Main Office

  Regional branch of Main Office

  We shall be concerned primarily with the regional machinery of

  two main offices: the Main Office Order Police and the Reich Security

  Main Office (RSHA). These two main offices had three types of regional machinery: one in the Reich, another in occupied territories, the third in areas undergoing invasion (see Table 6-9).

  It should be noted that the mobile units of the Order Police were

  T A B L E 6-8

  THE MAIN OFFICES

  SS-Hauptamt (SSHA)

  (SS-Main Office)

  (Wittje) Berger

  Reichssicherheitshauptamt (RSHA)

  (Reich Security Main Office)

  Heydrich (Kaltenbrunner)

  Hauptamt Ordnungspolizei

  (Main Office Order Police)

  Daluege (Wünnenberg)

  Chef des Persönlichen Stabes RF-SS

  (Chief of Himmler’s Personal Staff)

  Wolff

  SS Wirtschafts-Verwaltungshauptamt (WVHA)

  (Economic-Administrative Main Office)

  Pohl

  SS Personal Hauptamt

  (Personnel)

  Schmitt (von Herff)

  Hauptamt SS-Gericht (SS-Court)

  Breithaupt

  SS-Fiihrungshauptamt

  (Operational Main Office)

  Jüttner

  Dienststelle Heissmeyer

  (Services to families of SS men)

  Heissmeyer

  Stabshauptamt des Reichskommissars fur die Festigung des deutschen Volkstums

  (Staff Main Office of the Reichskommissar for

  Strengthening of Germandom)

  Greifelt

  Hauptamt Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle (VOMI)

  (Welfare Main Office for Ethnie Germans)

  Lorenz

  Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt (RuSHA)

  (Race and Resettlement Main Office)

  Hofmann (Hildebrandt)

  note: From Organisationsbuch der NSDAP, 1943, pp. 417-29. PS-2640. Names of

  officials were taken from several documents.

  202

  POLAND

  T A B L E 6-9

  REGIONAL MACHINERY OF THE ORDER POLICE AND RSHA

  Reich

  Occupted Territory

  Invaded Areas

  Order Police Inspekteur der

  Befehlshaber der

  Truppenverbände

  Ordnungspolizei

  Ordnungspolizei

  (troop units)

  (WO)

  (BdO)

  organized in

  (Inspector of

  (Commander of

  police regiments and

  Order Police)

  Order Police)

  police battalions

  RSHA Inspekteur der

  Befehlshaber der

  Mobile units

  Sicherheitspolizei

  Sicherheitspolizei

  organized in

  und des

  und des

  Einsatzgruppen

  Sicherheitsdienstes

  Sicherheitsdienstes

  (battalion size) and

  (IdS)

  (BdS)

  Einsatzkommandos

  (Inspector of

  (Commander of

  (company size)

  Security Police and

  Security Police and

  Security Service)

  Security Service)

  permanent

  formations

  that

  could

  be

  shifted

  from

  one

  country

  to

  another.

  The

  Generalgouvernement

  was

  in

  fact

  garrisoned

  by

  such

  units, numbering more than 10,000, under a BdO.51 As a matter of

  functional jurisdiction, the Order Police asserted control over regular

  indigenous police left or reorganized in occupied territories. In the

  Generalgouvernement,

  Polish

  police

  (and

  after

  the

  attack

  on

  the

  USSR, also Ukrainian police in the Galician area) totaled over 16,000.“

  The Security Police was stretched thin in occupied Europe. Its mobile

  units (Einsatzgruppen), formed anew for every deployment in an invaded area, were basically improvised and temporary, while its stationary personnel

  always

  remained

  sparse.

  In

  the

  Generalgouvernement,

  there were barely 2,000 men.” Any special indigenous police organs

  under

  Security

  Police

  supervision,

  such

  as

  native

  Criminal

  Police

  offices, were comparatively small.

  In the Generalgouvernement, the key police officials (in succession) were:

  BdO: Becker, Riege, Winkler, Becker, Grünwald, Höring

  BdS: Streckenbach, Schöngarth, Bierkamp

  31. Generalgouvernement police conference of January 25, 1943. Frank diary. PS-

  2233. A higher figure is cited in Daluege to Wolff, February 28, 1943, NO-2861.

  32. Daluege to Wolff, February 28, 1943, NO-2861.

  33. The figure refers to 1940. before addition of Galicia. Generalgouvernement

  conference of April 22,1940 (Frank diary), Werner Präg and Wolfgang Jacobmeyer, eds.,

  Das Dienstlagebuch des deutschen Generalgouverneurs in Polen W9-I94S (Stuttgart,

  1975), p. 182.

  203

  CONCENTRATION

  The SS and Police organization was centralized not only at the

  Generalgouvemeur level but also under the Gouverneure. The five SS

  and Police Leaders (in succession) were:

  Kraköw: Zech, Schedler, Schemer, Thier

  Lublin: Globocnik, Sporrenberg

  Radom: Katzmann, Oberg, Böttcher

  Warsaw; Moder, Wigand, von Sammem, Stroop, Kutschera, Geibel

  Galicia: Oberg, Katzmann, Diehm

  Each SS and Police Leader disposed over a Kommandeur der Ordnungspolizei (KdO) and a Kommandeur der Sicherheitspolizei und des Sicherheitsdienstes

  (KdS).

  Command

  relations

  consequently

  looked

  like this:

  To Frank, this was an incomplete picture. He imagined himself ir

  front of Krüger as a kind of supreme territorial chief:

  -Chief of Order Police

  (Chief, R
SHA)

  1

  BdO

  I

  (BdS)

  l

  SS and Police

  KdO

  (KdS)

  To make sure of such a relationship, Frank had in fact appointed Krii-

  ger as his Staatssekretär for Security.w The new title was intended not

  as an honor but as a device to ensure that Krüger would take orders

  from Frank. Himmler, of course, regarded such a relationship as an

  absurdity. Just as Frank was a “fanatic" of territorial centralization,

  Himmler was a fanatic of functional centralization. From his men Himmler demanded 100 percent accountability to himself.

  34.

  Summary of Generalgouvernement police conference, April 21. 1942, Frank

  diary, PS-2233.

  204

  POLAND

  Thus from the very beginning Frank and Himmler were enemies. It

  is not accidental that this friction should find its first target in the Jews,

  for the Himmler apparatus claimed primary authority in Jewish matters

  throughout Poland, and that was a big claim. We can understand the

  basis for this assertion of jurisdiction if we examine the closing stages

  of the concentration process in the Reich-Protektorat area. In the enforcement of movement restrictions and indentification measures, and particularly in the direction of Jewish administrative machinery, the SS

  and Police emerged gradually as the most important control mechanism. As the destruction process proceeded to its more drastic phases, it began to take on more and more the characteristics of a police operation. Movement control, roundups, concentration camps—all these are police functions.

  In the Reich-Protektorat area the rise of the SS and Police was

  imperceptible. The increasing importance of the Himmler apparatus in

  the home area grew out of the natural development of the destruction

  process. In Poland, however, the destruction process was introduced in

  its concentration stage. The immediate entry of the SS and Police on a

  very high level of policy formation was therefore conspicuous, and

  troublesome. In fact, we have noted that Security Police Chief Hey-

  drich issued his ghettoization order on September 21, 1939, before the

  civil administration had a chance to organize itself. This means that in

  Jewish matters Himmler was not only independent of but ahead of

  Frank. The destruction process in Poland was thus to be carried out by

  these two men. It is characteristic that, as enemies and rivals, Himmler

  and Frank competed only in ruthlessness. The competition did not

  benefit the Jews; it helped to destroy them.

  THE EXPULSIONS

  As we have seen, the Heydrich plan for the concentration of the Polish

  Jews was divided into two phases. In the course of the first phase,

  approximately 600,000 Jews were to be shifted from the incorporated

  territories to the Generalgouvernement. The Jewish population of the

  Generalgouvernement was therefore to be raised from about 1,400,000

  to 2,000,000. The second part of the Heydrich directive stipulated that

  these 2,000,000 Jews be crowded into closed quarters—the ghettos.

  Since the army had insisted that the “cleanup" be postponed until

  after the transfer of jurisdiction from military to civilian authority, the

  first phase could not begin immediately.” Arrangements were conse- 35

  35.

  Notwithstanding SS assurances, a few movements took place in September.

  See army correspondence, September 12-24, 1939. NOKW-129.

  205

  CONCENTRATION

  quently made to set aside, after November 15, 1939, the entire railway

  network (the Ostbahn) of the Generalgouvernement for the purpose of

  resettling the Jews.* Just before the mass settlement was to begin, the

  Generalgouvernement’s

  Higher

  SS

  and

  Police

  Leader,

  Krüger,

  announced at a meeting of main division chiefs and Gouverneure that, in

  addition to the Jews, the Poles of the incorporated territory were to be

  sent into the Generalgouvernement. All together, 1,000,000 Poles and

  Jews were to be moved in by spring, at the rate of 10,000 a day.”

  By December 1, a little behind schedule, the trains started to roll

  into

  the

  Generalgouvernement.“

  Hardly

  had

  these

  movements

  begun

  when the evacuation program was expanded still more. Not only Jews

  and Poles from the incorporated territories but also Jews and Gypsies

  from the Reich were to be dispatched to the Generalgouvernement.

  The Reich with all its incorporated territories was to be cleared of

  Jews, Poles, and Gypsies alike. The depopulated regions of the incorporated areas were to be filled with ethnic Germans “returning,” by special arrangements with Russia, from the Baltic states and the other

  territories

  allocated

  to

  the

  Soviet

  sphere.

  A

  vast

  movement

  had

  started. Train after train moved into the Generalgouvernement without

  prior notification or planning. The transports were sent farther and

  farther east, until someone got the idea that the Lublin district was to

  be turned into a Jewish reserve, or Judenreservat.

  At first Frank took all these movements in stride. An unsigned

  memorandum,

  dated

  January

  1940

  and

  probably

  written

  by

  Frank,

  speaks of the whole idea in very nonchalant terms. In all, Frank

  was prepared to receive 1,000,000 Jews (600,000 from the incorporated

  areas and 400,000 from the Reich). The sojourn of the Jews in his

  “kingdom” was to be temporary anyway. “After the victory,” an evacuation of several million Jews, “possibly to Madagascar,” would create plenty of room. Frank was not even worried about the Poles who were

  being sent into his Generalgouvernement in increasing numbers. "After

  the victory,” the "superfluous Poles” could be sent farther east, perhaps to Siberia, as part of a “reorganization" of the entire eastern European area.”

  Himmler's grandiose resettlement plans did not long remain in 36 37 38 39

  36. Summary of Generalgouvernement police conference under the chairmanship

  of Frank, October 31, 1939. Frank diary, PS-2233.

  37. Summary of conference under chairmanship of Frank, November 8, 1939.

  Frank diary, PS-2233.

  38. Summary of conference of Generalgouvernement Amtsleiter, December 8,

  1939. Frank diary, PS-2233.

  39. Materials for submission to the Committee of Nationality Law of the Academy

  of German Law (unsigned), January 1940, PS-661. Frank was president of the academy.

  206

  POLAND

  force. Frank took a closer look at the situation and became frightened.

  The uninterrupted flow of Jews, Poles, and Gypsies into his limited

  area became a Lebensfrage, the central question for his administration,

  particularly the administration of the Lublin district, which could no

  longer stand the strain.*"

  In the first two months of the program, about 200,000 Poles and
/>
  Jews had been shoved into the Generalgouvernement. Their number

  included 6,000 Jews from Vienna, Prague, Moravska Ostrava (Protek-

  torat), and Stettin.*1 The Stettin transport had been so brutal that, to

  everyone’s embarrassment, it was widely commented on in the foreign

  press.*2 On February 12, 1940, Frank went to Berlin and protested

  against the manner in which transports were shoved down his throat.*’

  In

  the

  presence

  of

  Reichsfiihrer-SS

  Himmler,

  Reichsstatthalter

  Forster and Greiser, and Oberprasidenten Koch and Wagner, the chairman of the conference (Goring) declared that henceforth no transports were to be sent to the Generalgouvernement without prior notification

  of the Generalgouvemeur. Koch (East Prussia) pointed out that no

  Jews had been sent from his districts to the Generalgouvernement.

  Forster (Danzig-West Prussia) announced that he had virtually no Jews

  left; only 1,800 remained. Greiser (Wartheland) reported that after the

  evacuation of 87,000 Jews and Poles, he still had 400,000 Jews and

  3.700.000

  Poles. Wagner (Silesia) requested that 100,000 to 120,000

  Jews plus 100,000 “unreliable” Poles in his area be deported. Himmler

  thereupon pointed out that room would have to be made in the incorporated territories for 40,000 Reich Germans, 70,000 Baltic Germans, 130.000

  Volhynian Germans, and 30,000 Lublin Germans. The last

  group was to get out of Lublin because that district was to become a

  Jewish reserve.“

  Although Goring had ruled that the Generalgouvernement had only

  to be notified of arriving transports, Frank went home with the firm

  conviction that he had been given absolute veto power over all incoming transports.*’ This interpretation proved to be correct, for on March 23, 1940, Goring ordered all evacuations stopped. Henceforth 40 41 42 43 44 45

  40. Frank speech to Kreishauptmanner and Stadthauptmanner in (he Lublin district, March 4, 1940, Frank diary, PS-2233.

  41. Heydrich memorandum, undated. NO-5150.

  42. See letter by Lammers to Hitler, March 28, 1940, enclosing a report received by

  the Reich Chancellery, NG-2490. See also instructions by the Reichspressechef to German press (Brammer material), February 15, 1940. NG-4698.

  43. Summary of Goring conference on eastern problems, February 12, 1940, EC-

  305.

  44. Summary of conference attended by Gdring, Frank. Koch. Forster, Greiser,

  Wagner, and Himmler, February 12, 1940, EC-305.

  45. Frank speech to Lublin officials, March 4, 1940, Frank diary, PS-2233.

  207

  CONCENTRATION

  transports

  could

  proceed

  only

  with

  Frank's

  permission.“

  Reichsstatthalter Greiser of the Wartheland, who had 400,000 Jews in his Gau,

 

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