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  to be transmitted immediately to the competent office of the Security

  Police and SD.”’

  5. Himmler to Priitzmann, Jeckein. von dem Bach, and Globocnik, July 25, 1941,

  T 454, roll 100.

  6. Order by Daluege, November 6, 1941, T 454, roll 100. Some of the men were

  taken into the Schutzmannschaft from the militias that had appeared during the first days

  of the occupation, others were newly recruited from the population, still others (mainly

  Ukrainians) were drawn from prisoner-of-war camps.

  7. Order Police strength (Stärkenachweisung) for July I, 1942, German Federal

  Archives R 19/266. Year-end data from Daluege to Wolff, February 28, 1943, NO-2861.

  For a complete recapitulation, see Hans-Joachim Neufeldt, Jürgen Huck, and Georg

  Tessin, Zur Geschichte der Ordnungspotizei 1936-1945 (Koblenz, 1957), part II (by

  Tbssin), pp. 51-68,101-9.

  8. For example, the 4th, 7th, and 8th Lithuanian battalions, and the 17th, 23rd.

  27th, and 28th Latvian battalions guarded Durchgangsstrasse IV in the Ukraine.

  Neufeldt, Huck, and Tessin, Zur Geschichte Ordnungspolizei, pt. II, pp. 101-2. Many

  Jewish laborers were employed in this road-construction project.

  9. Agreement between the Wehrmacht and RSHA (signed by Canaris and Heydrich), March 1, 1942, in file note of commander of Rear Army Group Area South Ic/AO, October I, 1942, NOKW-3228.

  370

  THE SECOND SWEEP

  T A B L E 7-11

  SIZE OF THE EINZELDIENST DURING THE SECOND SWEEP

  Ostland*

  Ukrainet

  Schutzpolizei

  Gendarmerie

  Schutzpolizei

  Gendarmerie

  Germans

  4,428

  3,849

  5,614

  Indigenous personnel

  31,804

  14,163

  54,794

  •As of October I, 1942.

  tComprising the Reichskommissariat, military area to the east, and Crimea as of

  November 25, 1942.

  Data from Tessin, Zur Geschichte der Ordnungspolizei, pt. II, pp. 54,64-65.

  During the second sweep, mobile killing operations were also carried

  out

  by

  so-called

  antipartisan

  formations

  ( Bandenkampfverbdnde).

  The employment of these formations derived from one of Hitler's orders, issued in the late summer of 1942, for the centralization of antipartisan fighting.10 Pursuant to the order, antipartisan operations in the civilian areas were to be organized by Himmler. In the military areas

  the same responsibility was to be exercised by the chief of the army’s

  General

  Staff.

  Himmler

  appointed

  as

  his

  plenipotentiary

  von

  dem

  Bach, Higher SS and Police Leader Center, and gave him the title Chef

  der Bandenkampfverbdnde (Chief of the Antipartisan Formations)." In

  his capacity as antipartisan chief in the civilian areas, von dem Bach

  could draw upon army personnel (security divisions, units composed

  of indigenous collaborators, etc.), SS units, police regiments, and Ein-

  satzgruppen, for as long as he needed them for any particular operation. These units became “antipartisan formations” for the duration of such an assignment.11 12 The device is of interest because, in the guise of

  antipartisan activity, the units killed thousands of Jews in the woods

  and in the swamps. The killing machinery of the second sweep is

  summarized in Table 7-12, in which the terms “mobile” and "local” are

  primarily intended to convey a difference in the radius of operations.

  10. Order by Hitler, September 6, 1942, NO-1666.

  11. Von dem Bach recommended himself, as the most experienced Higher SS and

  Police Leader in the business, for the position. Von dem Bach to Himmler, September 5,

  1942, NO-1661. The letter was written only a few months after von dem Bach had

  suffered his nervous breakdown. Grawitz to Himmler, March 4, 1942, NO-600. He had to

  wait for his title. Chef der Bandenkampfverbdnde, until 1943. Order by Himmler, June

  21, 1943. NO-1621.

  12. Affidavit by von dem Bach, January 21. 1947, NO-1906.

  371

  MOBILE KILLING OPERATIONS

  In the military area the second sweep was comparatively brief. As

  we have noted, the density of the Jewish population decreased as the

  mobile killing units pushed east. The slowing of the advance enabled

  the units to work much more thoroughly. Einsatzgruppe A had little to

  do in the rear area of Army Group North. Accordingly, it shifted some

  of its Kommandos to the civilian areas of White Russia to work over

  terrain through which Einsatzgruppe B had passed hurriedly in the

  early months of the fall.13 14 15 Einsatzgruppe B spent the winter in the

  Mogilev-Smolensk-Bryansk

  sector.

  Recoiling

  from

  the

  Soviet

  counteroffensive, the advance Kommandos pulled back, and in the course

  of the contraction the Einsatzgruppe systematically killed the surviving

  Jews in the rear areas of Army Group Center." In the meantime,

  isolated Jews in the north and center, fleeing alone or in small groups,

  were hunted down relentlessly by the Secret Field Police, Russian

  collaborators

  (Russischer

  Ordnungsdienst),

  an

  Estonian

  police

  battalion, and other units.,s

  To the south, Einsatzgruppen C and D were engaged in heavier

  operations. In Dnepropetrovsk, 30,000 Jews at the time of the city’s

  occupation were whittled down to 702 by February 1942.16 During

  March 1942 several large cities east of the Dnieper, including Gorlovka,

  T A B L E 7-12

  KILLING MACHINERY OF THE SECOND SWEEP

  Organization

  Mobile

  Local

  Security Police and SD

  Einsatzgruppen

  BdS and KdS offices

  Order Police

  Police regiments and

  Einzeldienst (German

  Schuma battalions

  and indigenous)

  Army

  Bandenkampfverbände

  Army rear echelons

  13. Draft report by Einsatzgruppe A, winter 1941-42, PS-2273.

  14. During the period March 6-30 1942. the Einsatrgmppe killed 3,358 Jews as well

  as 37J other people, including 78 Gypsies. RSHAIV-A-I. Operational Report USSR No.

  194 (75 copies), April 21, 1942, NO-3276.

  15. Operational report by Secret Field Police Group 703 (signed Fetdpolizeikom-

  missar Gasch), June 24, 1942, NOKW-95. The unit operated in the Vyazma sector. 39th

  Estonian Police Battalion via 281 st Security Division la to Higher SS and Police Leader

  North, August 28, 1942, NOKW-2513. Secret Field Police Group 722 to 207th Security

  Division Ic, etc., March 25, 1943, NOKW-2158. However, as late as July, 1943, the

  Organisation Todt was still employing 1,615 Jews in the area of Army Group Center. Wi

  In Mitte to WiStOst, August 5, 1943, Wi/ID 2.59.

  16. "Das Schicksal von Dnjepropetrowsk,” Krakauer Zeitung, February 10, 1942.

  372

  THE SECOND SWEEP

  Makeyevka, Artemovsk, and Stalino, were "cleared of Jews” (judenfrei gemacht)." In this area the army also tra
cked down escaping Jews.

  One

  security

  division

  actually

  encountered

  a

  Jewish

  partisan

  group

  (twenty-five men) in the Novomoskovsk-Pavlograd area.’8

  Einsatzgruppe D in the Crimea reported on February 18,1942, that

  almost 10,000 Jews had now been killed in Simferopol—300 more than

  had originally registered there.” This discovery was the signal for a

  systematic sweeping operation in the entire Crimea.“ The drive was

  conducted with the help of local militia, a network of agents, and a

  continuous flow of denunciations from the population.11 The army gave

  the drive every assistance. On December 15, 1941, Major Stephanus,

  antipartisan expert of the Eleventh Army, had ordered the Abwehr and

  Secret Field Police to hand over escaped Jews to the Einsatzgruppe.“

  The local Kommandanturen and the Gendarmerie also joined in the

  operation.“ By spring the Crimea no longer had any Jews, except for

  two groups in Soviet-held territory. Einsatzgruppe D caught them in

  July.“

  17. RSHA 1V-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 177 (65 copies), March 6. 1942,

  NO-3240. RSHA IV-A-1, OperationaJ Report USSR No. 187, March 30, 1942, NO-3237.

  RSHA Summary Report No. 11 for March, 1942 (100 copies), PS-3876.

  18. Report by 444th Security Division la, January 22, 1942, NOKW-2868. The

  Jewish partisans were referred to as Judengruppe Diyepropelrowsk. For other reports of

  seizures by the military, see Generalmajor Mierzinsky of Feldkommandantur 245/la to

  XLIV Corps/Qu, March 31, 1942, and other reports by same Feldkommandantur, in

  NOKW-767. The seizures took place in the Slavyansk-Kramatorskaya area. Also, Feld-

  kommandantur 194 in Snovsk (signed Oberst Ritter von Würfel) lo commander of Army

  Group Rear Area South/Ia, April 7. 1942, NOKW-2803.

  19. RSHA IV-A-I. Operational Report USSR No. 170, February 18. 1942, NO-

  3339.

  20. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 178 (65 copies), March 9, 1942.

  NO-3241. RSHA IV-A-1. Operational Report USSR No. 184, March 23. 1942. NO-3235.

  21. RSHA IV-A-l. Operational Report USSR No. 190 (65 copies), April 8, 1942,

  NO-3359.

  22. 11th Army Ic/Ia (signed Major Stephanus) to Einsatzgruppe D, Secret Field

  Police, and Abwehr, December 15, 1941, NOKW-502. Secret Field Police Group 647 to

  11th Army Ic/AO, July 26, 1942, NOKW-848. Affidavit by Heinz Hermann Schubert,

  December 7, 1945, NO-4816.

  23. Major Erxleben (Feldgendarmerie) to 11th Army OQu, February 2, 1942,

  NOKW-1283. Ortskommandantur Karasubar to Army Rear Area, February 14, 1942,

  NOKW-1688. Operational report by Feldkommandantur 810/Feldgendarmerie (signed

  Lt. Pallmann), March 3, 1942, NOKW-1689. Feldkommandanlur 810 in Eupatoria to

  Rear Army Area. March 16, 1942, NOKW-1851. Report by Sonderkommando

  10b, March 27, 1942, NOKW-635. Feldgendarmerie Battalion 683 to llth Army OQu,

  April 2, 1942, NOKW-1285. Feldkommandanlur 608 to Rear Army Area, April 28, 1942,

  NOKW-1870.

  24. Ortskommandanlur Kerch lo Army Rear Area/Qu, July 15, 1942, NOKW-1709.

  Kerch is on the eastern end of the peninsula. Ortskommandantur Bakhchisaray to Army

  Rear Area/Qu, July 16, 1942, NOKW-1698. Bakhchisaray is on the road to Sevastopol.

  373

  MOBILE KILLING OPERATIONS

  In the Romanian-administered territory between the Dniester and

  the Bug (Transnistria), killings were conducted even more expeditiously than in the German military area. On November 11,1941, Governor Alexianu of Transnistria issued a decree requiring Jews to live in localities

  specified

  by

  the Inspector

  General

  of

  Gendarmerie.“ Pursuant to this ordinance, a large number of Jews in southern Transnistria

  were moved from their homes to the southern districts of Berezovka

  and Golta.

  Berezovka was the arrival point of almost 20,00 Odessa Jews who

  had survived the Romanian army massacres of October 1941. The

  railroad station of the town of Berezovka, some sixty miles northeast

  of Odessa, was situated in the middle of a cluster of Ukrainian and

  ethnic German settlements. The Jews, brought there by train, were

  marched to the countryside and shot by ethnic German Selbstschutz

  stationed in the area.“ The death toll at Berezovka was swelled by

  victims from smaller towns and villages. A cumulative figure was indicated by a member of the German Foreign Office in May. About 28,000

  Jews had been brought to German villages in Transnistria, he wrote.

  “Meanwhile

  they

  have

  been

  liquidated

  [Inzwischen

  warden

  sie

  li-

  quidiert].”"

  In the Golta prefecture the killings were carried out by the Romanians

  themselves.

  The

  district,

  under

  the

  prefect

  Lt.

  Col.

  Modest

  Isopescu, was located upstream on the Bug River. Three primitive

  enclosures

  were organized in

  the district:

  Bogdanovca

  (Bogdanovka),

  Acmecetca

  (Akmechet),

  and

  Dumanovca

  (Domanevka).

  These

  hastily

  assembled

  concentration

  camps,

  which

  consisted

  of

  half-destroyed

  houses, stables, and pigpens, held a total of 70,000 Jews, most of them

  No documentary information is available about operations in Sevastopol itself. Possibly

  no Jews remained there when the German army arrived.

  25. Matatias Carp, ed., Cartea Seagra (Bucharest, 1947), vol. 3, p. 200. The inspector general was General C. Tobescu.

  26. Ibid., pp. 202-5, and texts of reports from the following offices: Commander,

  Gendarmerie in the Berezovka district (Mqjor Popescu), Inspector of Gendarmerie in

  TVansnistria (Colonels Brojteanu and Iliescu), Military Command in Odessa/Pretor (Lt.

  Col. Niculescu), Third Army/Pretor (Col. Barozi and Lt. Col. Poitevin), January-June

  1942, ibid., pp. 211-12, 215, 217, 226-27. The Jews were transported from the "provisional” ghetto of Slobodka near the city as well as from Odessa itself. The use of German trains was noted in a report by Brojteanu, January 17, 1942, ibid. pp. 221-22. See also

  Dora Litani, ‘The Destruction of the Jews of Odessa," Yad Vashem Studies 6 (1967):

  135-154, at p. 144.

  27. Note, probably by Diska, May 16, 1942, NG-4817. The Berezovka shootings

  continued after May. Iliescu report, June 16,1942, in Carp, Cartea Neagra. vol. 3, p. 227.

  Statement by Dr. Arthur Kessler (survivor), August 1959, Yad Vashem Oral History

  957/78.

  374

  THE SECOND SWEEP

  from

  towns

  and

  hamlets,

  some

  from

  Odessa.

  Disease,

  especially

  typhus, was rampant, and food was scarce.

  At Bogdanovca, the largest and most lethal camp, killings began on

 
; December 21. At first, 4,000 to 5,000 sick and infirm Jews were placed

  in

  several

  stables, which

  were covered

  with

  straw, sprinkled with

  gasoline, and torched. While the stables were still burning, about

  43,000

  Jews were marched through the woods in groups of 300 to 400

  to be shot, kneeling completely naked in the icy weather on the rim of a

  precipice. This operation continued until December 30, with an interruption for the celebration of Christmas.“ During January and February 1942, about 18,000 Jews were killed in Dumanovca. At Acmecetca, where

  Isopescu

  took

  pleasure

  in

  tormenting

  and

  photographing

  his

  victims, 4,000 were killed.“

  Although

  the

  Berezovka

  and

  Golta

  prefectures

  accounted

  for

  nearly 100,000 Jewish dead, some tens of thousands, particularly in

  northern

  Transnistria,

  were

  permitted

  to

  languish

  in

  ghettos

  and

  camps, most of them crowded with Jewish expellees from Bessarabia

  and Bukovina."

  In the civilian territories under German administration, some attempts were made to be efficient as well as rational. These efforts, however, were not always successful. The problems and conflicts arising from repeated combings of the two Reichskommissariate became manifest in the Ostland as early as the fall.

  On September 11, 1941, the Gebietskommissar of Siauliai (northern

  Lithuania) sent a letter to Reichskommissar Lohse that contained a

  short preview of what was going to take place in the coming months. In

  Siauliai, Einsatzkommando 2 had left behind a small detachment (Restkommando} under an SS sergeant. One day, the chief of Einsatzkommando 3 (Jäger) dispatched his Obersturmführer Hamann (commander of the Rollkommando organized by Jäger), to Siauliai, where Hamann

  looked up the sergeant and declared in

  an “extraordinary arrogant

  tone” that the Jewish situation in Siauliai was a dirty mess (ein Saustall)

  and that all Jews in the city had to be "liquidated." Hamann then

  visited the Gebietskommissar and repeated “in a less arrogant tone"

  why he had come. When the Gebietskommissar explained that the

  Jews were needed as skilled laborers, Hamann declared curtly that 28 29 30

  28. Extract from indictment before Bucharest People's Court, in Carp, Cartea

  Neagra, vol. 3, pp. 215-16. See also Eugene Levai, Black Book on the Martyrdom of

 

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